Sicily
From EpiMedDat
In Sicily, a total of 25 epidemic events are known so far. It is a Italian island in Italy. The coordinates are 37° 34' 0.00" N, 14° 16' 0.00" E.
Map of Sicily
Table
| Disease | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1302-00-00-Sicily | 1302 JL | Horse disease in southern Italy and Sicily | Eodem anno dominus Carolus circa majum transfretavit in Siciliam cum multitudine magna contra Fredericum praedictum, perdiditque majorem partem equorum suorum ex generali epidemia quae fuit in orbe | Ptolemaeus Lucensis 1876, p. 103 | Translation needed | |
| 1316-00-00-Northwest-Europe | 1316 JL | Great Famine in Northwest-Europe, therefore grain export from southern Italy; epidemic also in Italy | Nel detto anno MCCXVI grande pestilenzia di fame e mortalità avenne nelle parti di Germania, cioè nelle Magna di sopra verso tramontana, e stesesi in Olanda, e in Frisia, e in Silanda, e in Brabante, e in Fiandra, e in Analdo, e infino ne la Borgogna, e in parte di Francia; e fu sì pericolosa, che più che il terzo de la gente morirono, e da l'uno giorno a l'altro quegli che parea sano era morto. E 'l caro fu sì grande di tutte vittuaglie e di vino, che se non fosse che di Cicilia e di Puglia vi si mandò per mare gli mercantati per lo grande guadagno, tutti morieno di fame. Questa pestilenzia avenne per lo verno dinanzi, e poi la primavera e tutta la state fu sì forte piovosa, e 'l paese è basso, che l'acqua soperchiò e guastò ogni semanta. Allora le terre affogarono sì, che più anni appresso quasi non fruttarono, e corruppe l'aria. E dissono certi astrolaghi che la cometa ch'apparve, ch'ella dovea venire perché la sua infruenzia fu sopra quegli paesi. E in quello tempo la detta pestilenzia contenne simigliamente i Romagna e in Casentino infino in Mugello. | In the said year (1316) there was a great plague of famine and death in the parts of Germany, that is, in Magna above towards the north, and it spread to Holland, and to Friesland, and to Silesia, and to Brabant, and to Flanders, and to Analde, and even to Burgundy, and to parts of France; and it was so dangerous that more than a third of the people died, and from one day to the next those who seemed healthy were dead. And the cost was so great of all the victuals and wine, that if it were not for the fact that the merchants of Cicilia and Apulia were sent there by sea for the great profit, all died of hunger. This pestilence happened during the winter before, and then the spring and the whole state was so rainy, and the land was so low, that the water overpowered and spoiled every seed. Then the land drowned so, that more years after it scarcely bore fruit, and corrupted the air. And certain astrologers said that the comet that appeared, that it had to come because its infuence was over those countries. And at that time the said pestilence similarly contained the Romagna and Casentino until Mugello. | Template:Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 2: p. 285 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1346-00-00-Europe | 1346 JL | This passage describes the spread of the plague beginning in Jerusalem and than moving forward across Europe. The jews were blamed for causing the plague by poisoning the people. | 653. Des sulven jares unstund de grote plaghe der mynsheit des (p. 505) ghaen dodes, erst in den Jhersualemeschen landen over mer unde in der heidenscap, de by veftich, sestich, hundert, dusent unde ane tal nedervellen unde waren dot. dat stund nicht sere to claghen, wente se Godes viande sint; mer de sulve grote plaghe quam seder in cristene land. erst wart se vornomen in Pulle, dar na in Ungharen, dar na in Cecilien, in Avignon, dar neghest to Marsilien, dar na in Brancriken, dar na Engheland, dar vele lude storven; dar na in Blanderen, van Blanderen in Norweghen, dar na in Sweden, van Sweden in Denemarken, in Nortjutlande unde uppe Selande, dar na in Prutzen. to Koninghesberch, to Melbinghen was grot sterven. des tech men den ghedosten joden, de sik vor cristene lude helden unde beden dor Got ghuder lude almusen, dat de mit vorghifnisse, de se den luden gheven, dat volk to deme dode brochten. Dat wart van en gheseen unde worden anghetastet unde worden ghebrand; do bekanden se in erme dode, dat it war were, dat se it hadden ghedan, unde dat ir vele were, de in der selven sake in der cristenheit ghinghen, unde segheden, dat de riken joden in den groten steden dat bedacht hedden der cristenheit to vorderfnisse, wente se sint der martere unses heren ghevanghen lude hebben wesen, unde wolden nu koninghe unde heren worden sin over al den cristendom. | 653. In the same year (1346), the great plague of humanity, the walking death, began, first in the lands of Jerusalem, across the sea and among the pagans, where fifty, sixty, a hundred, a thousand, and countless people fell and died. This was not much mourned, as they were considered enemies of God. However, this same great plague later came into Christian lands. First, it was observed in Apulia, then in Hungary, then in Sicily, in Avignon, then near Marseille, then in (...?), and then in England, where many people died; next, in Flanders, from Flanders to Norway, then to Sweden, from Sweden to Denmark, in North Jutland and on Zealand, then to Prussia. In Königsberg and Melbingen, there was great mortality. The Jewish converts, who presented themselves as Christian and begged for alms in the name of God, were blamed for bringing the death to the people with giving them poison. They were discovered and persecuted, and many were burned. Under torture, they confessed that it was true—that they had done it, and that many of them across Christendom were involved in this crime. They claimed that the wealthy Jews in large cities had devised this plot to destroy Christianity, as they had long been captives since the martyrdom of our Lord and now wanted to become kings and rulers over all Christendom. | Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 504-505. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1346-00-00-Europe 001 | 1346 JL | The passage speaks about the origins of the plague, how it arrived to europe with the galleys, how it killed thousands of people and wiped out complete cities. It describes the wonders which happened simultaneosly and notes that the king of Bellemare oscillates between the religions. | Dese ding de scheghen ok in deme 46. jare over mer, dar de peper unde inghever west. to Dathagio an der stat vlot en water; dat wart vormeghet met utermaten vele wormen unde slanghen; de vreten alle de vrucht up, de in deme lande was. en grot deel, we dat water anrurbe, de vil neder unde was dot. vortmer to Imperio, meddes tusschen Kathagium unde Persiam, reghendet vur also snevlocken; dat vur vorbrande stede, borghe unde land, berghe unde dale, manne unde vrowen, unde stene, ast se drughe holt hedden ghewesen. dat vur ghas groten rok van sik; we den rok sach, de ne levede nicht enen halven dach; we ok den mynschen sach, de den rok gheseen hadde, de ne levede nicht langhe. hir van schaghet, dat van twelf galeyden, de in deme lande weren, de den rok gheseen hedden, twe galeyden quemen in Sreken to Ianueum, unde beghunden altohant to stervende, beide de in den galeyden weren unde de lude uter stat, also dat sy kume de galeyden mit kummer brachten van der stat in dat grote mer, unde dreven do to Constantinopolim unde to Peram. do de lude van Constantinopol unde van Pera ghespreken mit den galeyden, do ghinghen se to hus unde storven, unde we de sulven lude sach, de starf ok an der stunde, unde storven binnen den twen steden in korter stunde wol sesteyn dusent volkes. Dar na seghelden de galeyden van Sreken, unde wor se hen kerden, in allen steden leten se jo de suke des stervendes. to left quemen se to Cecilien unde Messinam; dar brechten se ok dat stervend, also dat dar ummelang storven wol der dusent lude, unde en stat binnen Cecilien, de ghenomet was Cratappaim, starf al wuste. dar na quemen de galeyden van Cecilien to Sardineam, unde brechten dat stervend an den galeyden des heren Archassari, de in de hervart scholden, unde storven also degher uth, dat de teynde mynsche nicht levende bles, also dat dar storven der unde vertich dusent volkes, de men in dat mer warp. Dar (p. 508) na quam ene van den twen galeyden to Marsilien, unde brochte dat stervend dar, also dat de stat wuste starf. vortmer des donnerdaghes vor winachten wart to Avinion, des morghens er de sunne upghing, gheseen en vur van deme ostene in dat westene, unde hing boven de stat to Avinion an der lucht. vortmer an deme weghe, als men ghet van Kathelonia to Arrogonia, vellen der grote stene van deme hemmele, jewelik also grot als en tover. des nehmen de lude ute deme lande enen van den stenen unde brachtene deme koninghe des landes up eneme mule to groteme wundere. Vortmer de koning val Bellemare, Albessessu ghenant, en here over ghantz Barbarien, let enen wech maken dor de wustenye, also men reysen mochte to Ianuam. do he ret mit groteme volke unde wolde den wech beseen, do quam en bode eme na unde seghede: 'here, sint dat du uthtoghest, sint ghestorven binnen twen daghen achtentich diner husvrowen; unde alle de in der stat sin, de sterven'. do de koning dat horde, he vruchte sic sere unde sprak: 'dat is Godes wrake; de will, dat wy to cristenen loven komen'. unde sende na sinen hoghesten unde na sinem raatgheveren, unde seghede en, dat he cristen werden wolde. under des quam en schip unde seghede, dat de cristenen ok storven. do dat de koning horde, do wolde he nicht cristen werden. | Similar things also occurred in the year 1346 overseas, where pepper and ginger are grown. Near Cathay, water flooded the land; it was filled with countless worms and snakes, which devoured all the crops. Many people who touched the water fell down dead. Furthermore, in a place called Imperium, between Cathay and Persia, fire rained down like snowflakes; this fire burned cities, castles, lands, mountains, valleys, men, women, and even stones as if they were dry wood. The fire produced a great smoke; anyone who saw the smoke did not live even half a day, and anyone who saw those people who had seen the smoke did not live long either. It is said that of twelve galleys in the area that encountered the smoke, only two arrived in Genoa, where both the crew on the ships and the people in the city immediately began to die, so much so that they barely managed to drag the ships out to the open sea. The ships drifted towards Constantinople and Pera. When the people of Constantinople and Pera spoke with those on the galleys, they went home and died, and anyone who saw them also died, with sixteen thousand people dying in the two cities within a short time. Later, the galleys left and spread the plague in every city they visited. Eventually, they arrived in Sicily and Messina, bringing death, so that about a thousand people soon died in the area. An entire town in Sicily, called Catania, was wiped out. The galleys then reached Sardinia, where they brought the plague to the fleet of Lord Archassari, and they all died so that barely one in ten survived, with around forty thousand people dead and thrown into the sea. One of the galleys then arrived in Marseille and spread death there, causing the entire town to perish. Moreover, on the Thursday before Christmas in Avignon, before the sun rose, a fire was seen in the sky from east to west, hovering over the city. Furthermore, along the road from Catalonia to Aragon, large stones fell from the sky, each as big as a tower. The people took one of these stones from the land and brought it to the king as a great wonder. In addition, the King of Bellemare, also known as Albessessu, a lord over all Barbaria, ordered a road to be built through the wilderness so that people could travel to Genoa. As he traveled with a large following to inspect the road, a messenger came to him and said: ‘My lord, since you set out, within two days, eighty of your noble ladies have died, and everyone in the city is also dying.’ When the king heard this, he was greatly afraid and said, ‘This is God's wrath; He wants us to praise the Christian faith.’ He summoned his highest advisors and declared that he wanted to become a Christian. However, soon a ship arrived, reporting that Christians were also dying. When the king heard this, he no longer wanted to become a Christian. | Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 506-508. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1346-00-00-Florence | 1346 JL | The mortality in those years was worse and greater than the deaths and disaster that god broughtt with the Flood, described in the Holy Scripture. For the author a conjunction in the year 1346 was not the reason for the plague, but instead the will of god.The passage describes the horrific symptoms and the route of spread through the world, via Africa, Italy, Germany, England and northern and eastern countries. Many people fled to areas, where they hoped to be spared. In addition, Matteo Villani observed that the people were more cruel to each other and didn't help their infected family members. This behavior first came from the barbaric nations, but was also widespread among Christians. With the time the people recognized that people who helped others were more likely spared by the plague. He thinks that the transmissions occur through sight and touch. The doctors were clueless about the reasons and nobody found a remedy. In Florence, the plague lasted from April 1348 to September 1348 and 3 out of 5 people regardless of sex and age died. Only the class had a influence, poor people were more affected. The mortality was everywhere similar in number and kind, like the reports suggested. | Della inaudita mortalità. Truovasi nella Santa Scrittura, che avendo il peccato corotto ogni via della umana carne, Iddio mandò il diluvio sopra la terra: e riservando per la sua misericordia l'umana carne inn-otto anime, di Noè, e di tre suoi figliuoli e delle loro mogli nell'arca, tutta l'altra generazione nel diluvio sommerse. Dappoi per li tempi, multipricando la gente, sono stati alquanti diluvii particulari, mortalità, coruzioni e pistolenze, (p. 6) fame e molti altri mali, che Idio ha permessi venire sopra li uomini per li loro peccati. […] Ma per quello che trovare si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l'universo, come quella che ne' nostri dì avenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comperazione di coloro (p. 7) ch'erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti. Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l'anima a dDio l'autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze […] (p. 8) Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno paese. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro prencipio a racontare lo isterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e modo, la qualità, e quantità di quella, stipidisce la mente apressandosi a scriver la sentenzia, che lla divina giustizia co molta misericordia mandò sopra li uomini, degni per la curuzzione del peccato di finale giudicio. Ma pensando l’utolità salutevole che di questa memoria puote adivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo. Videsi nelli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione MCCCXLVI, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per li astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la infruenza per altri particulari accidenti no parve cagione di questa, ma più tosto (p. 9) divino giudicio secondo la disposizione della assoluto volontà di Dio. Cominciossi nelle Parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno [1346], in verso il Cattai e l'India superiore, e nelle altre province circustanti a quelle marine dell’Occeano, una pestilenzia tra li uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di sùbito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E Aveniva, che-cchi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malatia, o infetti, di quella medesima coruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo e di gente in gente aprendendo: comprese infra 'l termine d'uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia. E nell'ultimo di questo tempo (p. 10) s'agiunse alle nazioni del mare Maggiore, e alle ripdel mare Tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso l'Egitto e lla riviera del mare Rosso, e dalla parte settantrionale la Rossia e lla Greccia, l'Erminia e l'altre conseguenti province. E in quello tempo galee d'Italiani si partirono del mare Maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercantie inn-Italia: e' non poterono cansare che gran parte di loro no morisse in mare di quello infermità. E arivati in Cicilia conversaro co' paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si comincià quella pistolenza ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quelli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da dDio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pistilenzia; E Il’ Africa nelle marine, e nelle sue province di verso levante e le rive del nostro mare Tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europia, per simigliante modo agiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzo giorno (p. 11) con più aspro asalimento che sotto le parti settantrionali. E nell’anni di Cristo MCCCXLVIII ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salva che lla città di Melano, e certi circustanti a l'alpi, che dividono la Italia dall'Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Provenza, in Savoia, nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, per la marina di Marsilia e d'Aguamorta, per la Catalogna, nell'isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel MCCCXLVIIII ebbe compreso fino nel ponente le rive del mare Occeano, d’Europia e d'Africa e d'Irlanda, e l'isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l'altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi iguale mortalità, salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nell MCCCL premette li Alamanni, li Ungheri, Donnismarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e li altri popoli e nazioni settantrionali. E la successione di questa pistolenzia durava nel paese ove s'aprendea cinque mesi continovi, overo cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per sperienza certa di molti paesi. Avenne, perché parea che questa impestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento, che come l’uomo o lla femina e' fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abandonavano, e inumerabile quantità ne morirono che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati (p. 12) delle cose bisognevoli. Tra lli infedeli cominciò questa innumanità crudele, che lle madri e' padri abandonavano i figiuoli, e i figliuoli i padri e lle madri, e l'uno fratello l'altro e li altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, ditestata tra' fedeli cristiani, ne' quali seguendo le nazioni barbere, questa crudeltà si trovò. Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si providono, e rinchiusono i luoghi solitari e di sana aria, forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a ccui non si può serrare le porti) li abatté come li altri che no s'erano proveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosono alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravide, e cominciarono sanza sospetto ad aiutare e a servire l'uno l'altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire li altri. (p. 13) Di detta matera. Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per fisica, o per arte di strologia non ebbono argomento né vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò avieno presi indebitamente. Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile li anni Domini MCCCXLVIII, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età, de’ cinque i tre e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perché alquanto fu più menovato perché cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno (p. 14) aiuto e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simiglante numero e modo, secondo le novelle ch'avemmo di molti paesi strani e di molte province del mondo. Ben furono province nel levante dove vie più ne moriro. | Of the outrageous mortality It is found in Holy Scripture that when sin had corrupted every human way of life, God sent the Flood upon the earth: and by his mercy saved eight souls, namely Noah, his three sons and their wives in the ark, while all the rest of mankind perished in the flood. Since then, in the course of time, as men multiplied, there have been some local floods, mortalities, corruptions and diseases, famines, and many other evils which God has permitted to come upon men because of their sins. [...] But from all that can be found in the Scriptures, there has been no universal judgement of mortality since the general deluge, which has affected the whole world so much as that which has taken place in our day. In this mortality, considering the multitude of people then living, as compared with those who lived at the time of the general deluge, far more people died in this than in that, according to the estimation of many experts. In this mortality, the author of the chronicle called "La Cronica" Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, gave his soul back to God. [...] How long the plague lasted in each country As we must begin our narrative by describing the destruction of the human generation, and by setting forth the time, type, quality, and quantity of this pestilence, a horror seizes the mind as it prepares to write the judgement which divine justice brought with much mercy upon men who, through the corruption of sin, had deserved final judgement. But when we think of the salutary benefits that can come from this report for the nations that will come after us, we begin with greater confidence. In the years of Christ, from his salvific incarnation in 1346, the conjunction of three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was the ruler of this conjunction and prophesied great and grave news to the world; but similar conjunctions had occurred many times in the past, and the influences of other particular events did not seem to be the cause of it, but rather divine judgement according to the absolute will of God. In that year 1346, in the eastern regions, towards Cathay and Upper India and in the neighbouring provinces on the coasts of the ocean, a plague began among the people of all classes, ages and sexes. The diseased began to spit blood and died either immediately, within two or three days and some only after prolonged suffering. It happened that those who cared for the sick were themselves infected, fell ill immediately and died in a similar way. In many, the groin swelled up, in others lymph nodes under the arms and in other parts of the body, and there was almost always a unique swelling on the infected body. This plague spread from time to time and from people to people: Within a year it covered a third of the world called Asia. At the end of this period it reached the peoples of the Black Sea and the coasts of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Syria and Turkey, Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, the northern part of Russia, Greece, Armenia and other neighbouring provinces. At this time, Italian galleys left the Black Sea, Syria and Romania to escape death and bring their goods to Italy, but many of them died at sea from the disease. When they arrived in Sicily, they infected the locals, causing an immediate outbreak of the plague among the Sicilians. When the aforementioned galleys reached Pisa and then Genoa, mortality began in these places due to contact with these people, but not on a generalised scale. Then, when the time appointed by God for the countries came, the deadly plague seized the whole of Sicily; the coasts of Africa and the eastern provinces and the coasts of our Tyrrhenian Sea. It spread from time to time further westwards, and seized Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of that sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, it reached the western parts in like manner, turning southwards, and attacking more violently than in the north. In the years of Christ 1348, it had infected the whole of Italy, with the exception of the city of Milan and some areas near the Alps that separate Italy from Germany, where it raged very little. In the same year, it began to cross the mountains and spread to Provence, Savoy, Dauphiné and Burgundy, along the coasts of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, Catalonia, the island of Mallorca, Spain and Granada. In 1349, it finally reached the coasts of the Atlantic in Europe and Africa, as well as Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland and other western islands, and also spread inland with almost the same mortality rate, with the exception of Brabant, which was only slightly affected. In 1350 it reached Germany, Hungary, Denmark, the Goths, Vandals and other northern peoples and nations. The duration of this pestilence in the countries affected was five consecutive months or five lunar months, and this we have learnt as certain knowledge from many countries. It came about because it appeared that this pestilential infection was transmitted by sight and touch, that as the man or woman or children recognised the disease of the swelling, many left it and countless people died who could have been saved if they had been given the necessary remedies. Among the unbelievers this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers left their children, children left their parents, brothers and sisters left each other - a cruel, strange and very unhuman act, which was widespread even among Christians, following the barbaric nations. When it began in our city of Florence, it was condemned by the wise people, that many people took the precaution of moving to remote places with healthy air, equipped with all the necessities of life, in places where no infected people were suspected. They were struck by the divine judgment, to which no doors can be closed, like others who had not prepared themselves. Many others who had chosen to die in the service of their sick relatives and friends survived despite the illness, and many who continued this service did not fall ill. This led to everyone regaining courage and beginning to help and serve one another without fear, resulting in many recovering and being more confident to help others. About this subject The doctors in all parts of the world had no remedy or true cure for this pestilential disease either by natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology. Some, for gain, visited the sick and gave them advice, but their deaths showed their art to be deceitful and untruthful: many others, for conscience sake, returned the wrongfully obtained money. In our town, the general plague began at the beginning of April 1348 and lasted until the beginning of September of the same year. In the city, neighbourhood and district of Florence, more than three out of five people of each sex and age died, with the poor being more affected than the middle and richer part of the population, as they started earlier and had less help and greater inconveniences and shortcomings. On the whole, the human population in the world was similarly lacking in number and kind, according to the reports we have received from many foreign countries and provinces of the world. However, there were provinces in the East where even more people died. | Template:Matteo Villani 1995, Vol. 1, pp. 5-14. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1346-00-00-Florence 001 | 1346 JL | Florence was threatened by a famine. The city gathered large supplies of grain from elsewhere, however the problems weren't solved, because many people from the countryside came in the city. In addition to the famine diseases broke out amnong the immigrants and then it distributed also among the urban masses. | Cum ergo fames haud dubie immineret, sollers plane ad hoc civitas, in Africa et Sardinia et Sicilia aliisque locis permultis magna vi frumenti comparata, mari simul terraque importandum curavit. Nec eo tamen modo evitari potuit, quin difficultates permaximae (p. 306) eo anno subirentur. Turba enim ex agro in urbem mendicatura longis agminibus mulierum puerorumque advenerat. Ex finitimis etiam civitatibus quae minus ad hoc providae fuerant multitudo concurrerat, ut infinitus prope numerus hominum esset alendus. Magnumque in his civitatis meritum humanitasque eluxit; non modo enim non reiectus est quisquam advenarum peregrinorumque, sed etiam si tenuis foret, liberalitate gratuita per tantam rei frumentariae inopiam sustentatus, ut prope collatum a civitate beneficium in genus humanum videretur. Multa insuper eo anno tenuioribus indulta, et illud in primis, quod creditorum acerbitas repressa est, lege lata, ne quis nisi certa forma pro aere alieno conveniri posset. Satis enim premi caritate ipsa multitudinem existimavit civitas. Et accedebant ad caritatem morbi, qui multitudinem convenam et urbis insuetam consecuti, urbanam quoque apprehenderant turbam, ut et commiserendum et succurrendum esset. | So, as there was now no doubt about the threat of famine, the city showed its resourcefulness, gathering large supplies of grain in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and many other places and seeing to their importation simultaneously by land and sea. But these steps were not enough to avoid the enormous difficulties they faced that year. For throngs of women and children from the countryside came (p. 308) into the city in long lines to beg. They were joined by multitudes from the nearby cities which had been less provident in this respect, so that there was almost an infinite number of people to feed. Amid these challenges the city’s great merit and humanity shone forth. For not only was not a single immigrant or foreigner turned away, but even the poor, with gratuitous liberality, were sustained throughout this great dearth of provisions, so that Florence seemed almost to have conferred a benefit on the human race. In this year, moreover, many allowances were made on behalf of the poor, and principally this: that the harshness of creditors was kept in check. A law was passed prohibiting suitors to collect debt except under particular conditions; the city felt that the multitude was oppressed enough already by the famine. And in addition to the famine there were the diseases which broke out among the throng of immigrants unused to the city, then spread among the urban masses, so that mercy and succor were needful. | Leonardo Bruni: Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII, Vol. 2, pp. 306-308. | None |
| 1347-00-00-China | 1347 JL | The Black Death with presumed origins in China or Ethiopia, spreading to Syria and Egypt. Discussion of its spread via Caffa and Constantinopel, Genoa and reaching the Iberian Peninsula. | Die Meinungen über die Herkunft dieses Ereignisses gehen auseinander. Der Gewährsmann erwähnte nach dem Zeugnis mancher christlichen Kaufleute, die nach Almeriah kamen, daß die Krankheit in dem Lande Hata entstanden sei; Hata heißt in der persischen Sprache China, wie ich es von einem Gewährsmann aus Samarkand gelernt habe. China ist die Grenze der bewohnten Erde nach Osten zu. Die Seuche ist in China verbreitet und von da aus ist sie nach dem persischen Irak, den türkischen Ländern gewandert. Andere erwähnten nach dem Bericht christlicher Reisenden, daß sie in Abessinien entstanden sei und von dort aus in die Nachbarländer bis nach Ägypten und Syrien vorgedrungen sei. Diese verschiedenen Berichte beweisen, daß die Katastrophe allgemein alle Länder und Zonen heimgesucht hat. Der Grund der Verschiedenheit der Berichte ist, daß, wenn sie in einem an der (p. 42) Grenze der Erde liegenden Lande erscheint, dessen Einwohner denken, daß die Krankheit dort entstanden sei; und von dort aus verbreitet sich diese Ansicht. Es ist uns auch von vielen Seiten berichtet worden, daß sie in der genuesischen Festung Kaffa gewesen sei, die unlängst durch ein Heer von mohammedanischen Türken und Romäern belagert wurde, dann in Pera, dann in dem großen Konstantinopel, auf den Inseln von Armania an der Küste des Mittelmeeres, in Genua, in Frankreich. Sie griff weiter über nach dem fruchtbaren Andalusien, überschwemmte die Gegenden von Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia u. a., verbreitete sich in dem größten Teil des Königreichs Kastilien bis Sevilla im äußersten Westen, erreichte auch die Inseln des Mittelmeeres Sizilien, Sardinien, Mallorca, Ibiza, sprang über nach der gegenüberliegenden Küste von Afrika und ging von da aus weiter nach Westen. | Opinions differ as to the origin of this event. According to the testimony of some Christian merchants who came to Almeriah, the author mentioned that the disease originated in the land of Hata; Hata means China in the Persian language, as I learnt from an author from Samarkand. China is the border of the inhabited earth to the east. The disease spread in China and from there it travelled to Persian Iraq and the Turkish countries. Others mentioned, according to the report of Christian travellers, that it originated in Abyssinia and from there spread to neighbouring countries as far as Egypt and Syria. These different reports prove that the catastrophe affected all countries and zones in general. The reason for the diversity of reports is that when it appears in a country lying on the (p. 42) frontier of the earth, its inhabitants think that the disease originated there; and from there this opinion spreads. It has also been reported to us from many quarters that it was in the Genoese fortress of Kaffa, which was recently besieged by an army of Mohammedan Turks and Romæans, then in Pera, then in the great Constantinople, on the islands of Armania on the coast of the Mediterranean, in Genoa, in France. It spread further to fertile Andalusia, flooded the regions of Aragon, Barcelona, Valencia and others, spread through most of the kingdom of Castile as far as Seville in the far west, reached the Mediterranean islands of Sicily, Sardinia, Mallorca, Ibiza, jumped over to the opposite coast of Africa and from there continued westwards.. | Dinanah 1927, pp. 41-42 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-00-00-Italy1 | 1347 JL | Spread of the Black Death across the Mediterranean into Italy and its major islands with processions emerging in Florence. | E stesesi la detta pistolenza infino in Turchia e grecia, avendo prima ricerco tutto Levante i Misopotania, Siria, Caldea, Suria, Ciptro, il Creti, i Rodi, e tutte l'isole dell'Arcipelago di Grecia, e poi si stese in Cicilia, e Sardigna, Corsica, ed Elba, e per simile modo tutte le marine e riviere di nostri mari; ed otto galee di Genovesi c'erano ite nel mare Maggiore, morendo la maggiore parte, non ne tornarono che quattro galee piene d'infermi, morendo al continuo; e quelli che giunsono a Genova, tutti quasi morirono, e corruppono sì l'aria dove (p. 487) arivavano, che chiunque si riparava co lloro poco apresso morivano. Ed era una maniera d'infermità, che non giacia l'uomo III dì, aparendo nell'anguinaia o sotto le ditella certi enfiati chiamati gavoccioli, e tali ghianducce, e tali gli chiamavano bozze, e sputando sangue. E al prete che confessava lo 'nfermo, o guardava, spess s'apiccava la detta pistilenza per modo ch'ogni infermo era abbandonato di confessione, sagramento, medicine e guardie. Per la quale sconsolazione il papa fece dicreto, perdonando colpa e pena a' preti che confessassono o dessono sagramento alli infermi, e lli vicitasse e guardasse. E durò questa pestilenzia fina a ... e rimasono disolate di genti molte province e cittadini. E per questa pistilenza, acciò che Iddio la cessasse e guardassene la nostra città di Firenze e d'intorno, si fece solenne processione in mezzo marzo MCCXLVII per tre dì. E tali son fatti i giudici di Dio per pulire i peccati de' viventi.. | This pestilence spread into Turkey and Greece, having first circled the Levant—Mesopotamia, Assyria, Chaldea, Syria, Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes, and all the islands of the archipelago of Greece—and then spread to Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Elba and in like manner to all the shores and coasts of our seas. [When] eight Genoese galleys sailed into the Black Sea, the greater part of their crews died, and only four galleys returned, full of sick men who were dying one after another. Almost all those who reached Genoa died, and so corrupted the air where they landed, that whoever met with them died shortly afterward. This was the manner of the sickness: certain swellings appeared on the groin or below the armpits, swellings which some called gavoccioli and some ghianducce and some bozze, and which oozed blood. A man could not live for more than three days after they appeared. And this pestilence often attached itself to the priests who heard the confessions of the sick, or who looked after the sick, so that the sick were deprived of confession, sacrament, medicine, and watchers. This terrible problem led the pope to issue a decree, pardoning sin and penance to those priests who confessed or gave the sacrament to the sick, and who visited and watched over them. (p. 139) And this pestilence lasted until [. . .] and many provinces and cities were desolated. And in mid-March 1347, a solemn procession was held [every day] for three days, so that the Lord God might end this pestilence and Protect our city of Florence and its surroundings. ‘Thus do the judgments of God cleanse the sins of the living. Let us leave this matter, and speak somewhat of the deeds of the newly elected Emperor Charles of Bohemia. | Giovanni Villani 1990, vol. 3, pp. 487–488 | None |
| 1347-09-00-Catania | September 1347 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Catania with detailed description of symptoms and social disintegration. Prominent victim of the plague is Duke Giovanni d'Aragona, Regent of the Kingdom of Trinacria/Sicily at the time. | Quid dicemus de civitate Cataniae, quae oblivioni tradita est? Tanta fuit pestis praedicta exorta in ea, quod non solum pustulae illae, quae "anthraci" vulgari vocabulo nuncupabantur, sed etiam glandulae quaedam in diversis corporum membris nascebantur, nunc in pectine, aliae in tibiis, aliae in brachiis, aliae in gutture. Quae quidem a principio erant sicut avellanae, et crescebant cum magno frigoris rigore, et in tantum humanum corpus extendebant et affligebant, quod diutius in se potentiam non habens standi, se ad lectum perferrebat, febribus immensis incitatus, et amaritudine non modica contristatus. Quapropter glandulae illae ad modum nucis crescebant, deinde ad modum ovi gallinae vel anseris, et quorum dolores non modici, et humorum putrefactione urgebant dictum humanum corpus sanguinem expuere; quod sputum, a pulmonibus infecto perveniens ad guttur, totum corpus humanum putrefaciebat: quo putrefacto, humoribus deficientibus, spiritum exalabant. Quae quidem infirmitas triduo perdurabat; quarto vero die ad minus a rebus humanis praedicta humana corpora erant adepta. Catanienses vero perpendentes talem aegritudinem sic brevi finire tempore, sicuti dolor capitis eis superveniebat, et rigor frigoris, omnia peccata eorum primo et ante omnia sacerdotibus confitebantur, et deinde testamenta eorum conficiebantur. Tanta erat in praedicta civitate condemnsa mortalitas, quod iudices et notarii se ad testamenta facienda ire recusabant. Et si ad aliquem infirmum accederent, ab eo procul omnino stabant. Sacerdotes ullatenus ad domos infirmorum accedere timore proximi mortis trepidabant. Tanta erat immensa mortalitas in civitate praedicta, quod iudices et notarii in conficiendis testamentis, nec sacerdotes ad peccatorum confitenda peccamina poterant totaliter continuo vacare. Patriarcha vero praedictus, volens de animabus Cataniensium providere, cuilibet sacerdoti, licet minimo, totam, quam habebat ipse episcopalem et patriarchalem licentiam, de absolvendis peccatis tribuit atque dedit. Quapropter omnes, qui deficiebant, secundum veram opinionem ad locum Dei tutam infallibiliter erant recepti. Dux vero Joannes praedictus timens mortem supradictam, nolens civitatibus et locis appropinquare habitatis propter aeris infectionem, per loca nemorosa et inhabitata, circumquaque se hinc inde continue versabatur. Sed dum hinc inde nunc ad aquam salis, quae est in nemore Cataniensi, nunc ad quamdam turrim, quae vocatur "Lu Blancu" per sex milliaria a civitate Cataniae distantem, nunc ad quandam ecclesiam sancti Salvatoris de Blanchardu in nemore civitatis praedictae, se quasi latitando discurreret, pervenit ad quamdam ecclesiam, seu locum per dictum Ducem noviter constructum [p. 568] vocatum sanctu Andria, qui locus est in confiniis nemoris Mascalarum; in quo dum incolumis ac sanus existeret, ex quadam sibi superveniente infirmitate mortuus extitit. Corpus cuius fuit sepultum in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, in eo videlicet tumulo, ubi corpus quondam Friderici Regis patris sui fuerat conditum et humatum. Et hoc anno Domini MCCCXLVIII, de mense Aprilis primae Indictionis. Quae quidem mortalitas duravit a mense Septembris dictae primae Indictionis usque ad mortem Ducis supradicti paulo ante vel post. Talis itaque gravis fuit mortalitas in nullo dispar sexu, in nulla aetate dissimilis, generaliter cunctos iugiter affecit, ut etiam quos non egit in mortem, turpi macie exinanitos afflictosque dimisit atque relaxavit. In qua mortalitate fuit dictus Patriarcha mortuus, et sepultus in maiori Catanensi Ecclesia, anima cuius in pace quiescat. | What shall we say of the city of Catania, which has been consigned to oblivion? Such was the plague that arose there that not only did those pustules called "anthraces" in the common tongue appear, but also certain swellings in various parts of the body—now on the chest, some on the shins, others on the arms, and others in the throat. These, at first, were like hazelnuts, and they grew with a great chill and afflicted the human body so severely that, unable to stand any longer, the person would collapse onto the bed, overcome by intense fevers and burdened with great bitterness. As a result, those swellings would grow to the size of a walnut, then to the size of a hen's egg or even a goose's egg, and the pain was unbearable. The rotting of bodily fluids caused the afflicted person to spit blood; this sputum, infected from the lungs and reaching the throat, would completely decay the entire body. Once the body had decayed and the fluids had been drained, the person would exhale their spirit. This disease would last three days; by the fourth day, at the latest, the person would succumb. The people of Catania, observing that such an illness would end so quickly, often experienced severe headaches and chills. In this state, they confessed all their sins, first and foremost, to priests, and then prepared their wills. The mortality in the aforementioned city was so severe that judges and notaries refused to go to prepare the wills. And if they did approach any of the sick, they kept a great distance. Priests, too, were afraid to approach the homes of the sick out of fear of their own impending deaths. The mortality in the city was so immense that judges and notaries could not keep up with preparing wills, nor could priests attend continuously to the confession of sins. The Patriarch, seeing the need to provide for the souls of the people of Catania, granted to each priest, even the humblest, the full authority of his episcopal and patriarchal license to absolve sins. Because of this, all who died were, according to true belief, received into the secure presence of God. Duke Giovanni [di Randazzo/d'Aragona, 1317-1348], fearing the aforementioned plague and not wanting to approach inhabited cities or places due to the infection of the air, moved about continuously through forested and uninhabited areas. Wandering from one place to another, he would sometimes go to the Salt Spring in the forest near Catania, sometimes to a tower called "Lu Blancu," six miles from the city of Catania, or to a church called S. Salvatoris de Blanchardu in the forest of the aforementioned city. While wandering in hiding, he eventually came to a church or location newly constructed by the Duke, called S. Andrea, which is situated on the borders of the Mascalarum forest. While living there in good health, he was overtaken by a sudden illness and died. His body was buried in the major church of Catania, in the very tomb where the body of Frederick, King and his father, had been buried and laid to rest. This happened in the year of our Lord 1348, in the month of April, during the first Indiction. This mortality lasted from September of the same first Indiction until shortly before or after the death of the aforementioned Duke. Such a grave mortality affected all, regardless of sex or age, and struck everyone continuously. Even those whom it did not bring to death were left emaciated and afflicted with a wretched gauntness, ultimately releasing them in a weakened state. During this mortality, the aforementioned Patriarch also died and was buried in the major church of Catania, and may his soul rest in peace. | Michele da Piazza 1791, pp. 567-568. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-10-00-Messina | October 1347 JL | Arrival of the Black Death in Messina, Sicily on board of Genoese ships. | Caput XXVII. De repentina mortalitate orta in Regno Sicilie & quo tempore duravit, & quid actum eo tempore extitit [...] Accidit ergo, quod de mense octobris anno dominice incarnationis MCCCXLVII circa principium mensis octobris prime indictionis, duodecim galee januensium, divinam fugientes ulcionem, quam Dominus noster pro eorum iniquitatibus desuper eis transmiserat, applicuerunt in portum civitatis Messane, talem secum morbum ossibus infixum deferentes, quod si quis cum aliquo ipsorum locutus fuisset , erat infirmitate effectus letali, quam mortem nullatenus evadere poterat inmediate. Signa vero mortis ianuensium et messanensium cum eis participantium talia erant. Quod propter infectionem hanelitus inter eos mixti universaliter alloquentes , adeo unus alterum inficiebat , quod quasi totus dolore concussus videbatur, et quodammodo conquassatus; ex cujus doloris conquassatione, et hanelitus inficatione oriebatur quedam pustula circa femur , vel brachium ad modum lenticule. Que ita inficiebat et penetrabat corpus, quod violenter spuebant sanguinem: quo sputo spuendo per triduum, incessanter sine aliqua cura curabili vitam expirabant; et non tantum moriebantur quicumque eis conversabantur, ymmo quicumque de rebus eorum 63) emeret, tangeret, seu affectaret. Messanenses vero cognoscentes dictam eorum repentinam mortem eis incurrere propter januensium galearum adventum, eos de portu et civitate predicta cum festinantia maxima expulerunt. Remansitque dicta infirmitas in civitate predicta, ex qua sequuta extitit immensa mortalitas. Et in tantum unus alium habebat exosum, quod si filius de morbo predicto infirmabatur, pater sibi adherere penitus recusabat; et si ad eum ausus esset appropinquare, adeo infectus erat morbo predicto, quod mortem nullatenus evadere poterat, quin per triduum suum spiritum non exalaret. Et non tantum solus ipse de domo moriebatur, sed omnes familiares in eadem domo astantes, catuli, et animalia in dicta domo existentia patrem familias mortui sequebantur. Et intantum mortalitas ipsa Messanensibus invaluit, quod petebant multi sacerdotibus confiteri sua peccata, et testamenta conficere, et sacerdotes, judices et notarii ad domos eorum accedere recusabant; et si aliqui ipsorum ad eorum hospitia ingrediebantur pro testamentis, et talibus conficiendis, mortem nullatenus repentinam poterant (p 83) evitare. Fratres vero Ordinis minorum et Predicatorum et aliorum ordinum accedere volentes ad domos infirmorum predictorum, et confitentes eisdem de eorum peccatis, et dantes eis penitentiam juxta velle sermus. divinam justitia, adeo letalis mors ipsos infecit, quod fere in eorum cellulis de eis aliqui remanserunt. Quid ultra? Cadavera stabant sola in hospitiis propriis, nullus sacerdos, filius, sive pater, atque consanguineus ausus erat in eisdem intrare, sed tribuebant bastatiis non modicam pensionem pro cadaveribus in sepultura deferendis predictis. Hospitia defunctorum remanebant aperta, et patentia cum omnibus jocalibus, pecunia, et thesauris; adeo ut si quis ingredi vellet, aditus a nullo proibitus erat. Nam tanta subito pestilentia exorta est, ut ministri quoque primum non sufficerent, deinde non essent. Quapropter Messanenses hunc casum terribilem et monstruosum intuentes, migrare de civitate quam mori potius elegerunt; et non solum in urbem veniendi, sed etiam appropinquandi ad eam negabatur. In aeris et in vineis extra civitatem cum eorum familiis statuerunt mansiones. Aliqui vero et pro majori parte in civitatem Catanie perrexerunt, confisi quod beata Cataniensis Agatha virgo eosdem tali infirmitate liberaret. Inclita regina Helisabeth regina Sicilie, existens in civitate Catanie, don Fridericum filium suum, qui in civitate Messane tunc temporis aderat, ad se festinante jussit venire; qui cum galeis venetorum Cataniam festinanter applicuit. | Chapter XXVII: On the sudden mortality that arose in the Kingdom of Sicily, the duration of that time, and what happened during that time Therefore, it happened that in the month of October in the year of our Lord's Incarnation 1347, around the beginning of October, twelve Genoese galleys, fleeing divine retribution which our Lord had sent upon them for their sins, docked at the port of the city of Messina. They brought with them a disease so deeply embedded in their bones that if anyone spoke with any of them, they were struck with a fatal illness from which they could not escape immediate death. The signs of death among the Genoese and those of Messina who interacted with them were such that, because of the infection from their breath, mingling with them universally, one infected another so that it seemed as if they were entirely shaken by pain, and in a way crushed by it; from this crushing pain and the infection from their breath, there arose pustules around the thigh or arm, like a lentil. These pustules infected and penetrated the body so violently that they coughed up blood; and with this coughing up of blood for three days, constantly without any cure, they expired; and not only did those who interacted with them die, but also anyone who bought, touched, or desired any of their belongings (page 563). The people of Messina, recognizing that this sudden death was befalling them because of the arrival of the Genoese galleys, expelled them from the port and the aforementioned city with the greatest haste. The aforementioned disease remained in the aforementioned city, resulting in immense mortality. To such an extent did one hate another, that if a son fell ill from the aforementioned disease, the father entirely refused to stay near him; and if he dared to approach him, he was so infected by the aforementioned disease that he could not escape death and would expire within three days. And not only did the individual in the house die, but all the family members present in the same house, including pets and animals in the house, followed the head of the dead family. The mortality increased so much among the people of Messina that many asked priests to confess their sins and make their wills, but priests, judges, and notaries refused to go to their houses; and if any of them entered their houses to make wills and other such documents, they could not avoid sudden death. Friars of the Order of Minors and Preachers and members of other orders, wishing to go to the houses of the aforementioned sick people, confessing their sins and giving them penance according to divine justice, were so lethally infected that almost none of them remained in their cells. What more? Corpses lay alone in their homes, no priest, son, father, or relative dared to enter them, but they paid considerable sums to others to bury the bodies. The houses of the deceased remained open and unguarded with all their jewels, money, and treasures; so that if anyone wished to enter, the entrance was prohibited by no one. Such a sudden pestilence arose that at first there were not enough servants, and eventually, there were none. Therefore, the people of Messina, seeing this terrible and monstrous event, chose to migrate from the city rather than die; and not only was it forbidden to come into the city, but also to approach it. They set up camps in the air and vineyards outside the city with their families. Some, and for the most part, went to the city of Catania, believing that blessed Agatha of Catania would free them from such an illness. The noble Queen Elisabetta, Queen of Sicily, residing in the city of Catania, hastily summoned her son Federico, who was then in the city of Messina, to come to her; and he hurried to Catania with Venetian galleys. | Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83 | None |
| 1347-10-00-Messina2 | October 1347 JL | Procession to counter the outbreak of the Black Death in Messina fails. | Cap. 29: Quomodo Messanenses adcesserunt ad beatam Maria de Scalis cum sacerdotali officio; et que signa, et miracula apparuerunt ibidem et de mortalitate in civitate Catanie, et de morte Ducis Joannis. Messanenses vero de hujusmodi mira visione territi, miro modo sunt universaliter effecti timidi. Quapropter ad beatam Virginem de Scalis per miliaria sex a civitate Messane distantem, scalciatis pedibus, cum processione sacerdotali, comuniter ambulare statuerunt. Ad quam appropinquantes Virginem, omnes unanimiter in terris fixerunt devotissime genua, cum lacrimis, Dei et beate Virginis clamantes subsidium; et ingredientes in ecclesiam supradictam, devotis orationibus, et sacerdotali cantilena divina clamantes, miserere nostri Deus, quamdam ymaginem matris Dei sculpitam, ibidem antiquitus constitutam, propriis manibus appreenderunt. Quam in civitatem Messanem elegerunt ingredi facere, propter cujus visionem et ingressionem putabant demonia a civitate eicere, et a tali mortalitate penitus liberari. Propter quod elegerunt quendam sacerdotem ydoneum dictam ymaginem super quodam equo in brachiis suis honorifice apportare. Et reveretentes ad dictam civitatem cum ymagine supradicta, dicta sacra Dei mater, dum vidit et appropinquavit da dictam civitatem, adeo sibi exosam reputavit, et totaliter peccatis sanguinolentam, quod post tergum reversa, non tantum intrare noluit in civitatem, sed ipsam aborruit oculis intueri. Propter quod tellus aperta extitit in profundum, et equus, super quo dicta Dei matris ferebatur ymago, fixus et immobilis extitit sicut petra, et precedere, vel retrocedere non valebat. | Chapter 29: How the People of Messina Approached the Blessed Mary of the Stairs with Priestly Devotion; the Signs and Miracles that Appeared There; and the Plague in the City of Catania, Along with the Death of Duke John. The people of Messina, terrified by such a miraculous vision, were universally struck with great fear. Therefore, they resolved to walk barefoot, in a solemn priestly procession, to the Blessed Virgin of the Stairs, located six miles from the city of Messina. When they approached the Virgin, they all fell unanimously to their knees on the ground with great devotion, crying out with tears for the help of God and the Blessed Virgin. Entering the aforementioned church, they prayed devoutly and sang divine hymns with priestly chants, calling upon God with the words, "Have mercy on us, O God." In the church, they took hold of a carved image of the Mother of God, which had been placed there in ancient times. They decided to bring this image into the city of Messina, believing that her presence and entry into the city would drive out demons and completely free the city from the plague. To this end, they selected a suitable priest to carry the image with reverence in his arms on horseback. However, as they returned to the city with the sacred image, the Holy Mother of God, upon seeing and approaching the city, found it so abhorrent, deeming it bloodstained with sin, that she turned her face away. Not only did she refuse to enter the city, but she also avoided even looking at it. Because of this, the earth opened to a great depth, and the horse carrying the image of the Mother of God became fixed and immovable, like a rock, unable to advance or retreat. | Michele da Piazza 1980, pp. 82-83. | None |
| 1347-10-00-Messina3 | October 1347 JL | Most plague refugees from Messina fail to enter Catania and spread the Black Death to Siracusa, Agrigento and Trapani. | Quid ultra? Adeo fuerunt abominabiles & timorosi, quod nemo cum eis loquebatur, nec conversabant, sed fugiebant velociter eorum visionem, eorum anelitus penitus recusantes, & quasi in derisione omnibus Cataniensibus sunt effecti. Et si aliquis eorum cum aliquo loquebatur, respondebat sibi vulgariter, non mi parlari ca si Missinisi, & nemo eos hospitabatur. Domos pro eorum habitaculis ad conducendum penitus non inveniebant. Et nisi quod Messanenses aliqui in civitate Catanie cum eorum familia habitantes eos clam hospitabantur, fuissent quasi omni auxilio destituiti. Disperguntur itaque Messanenses per univerfam insulam Sicilie, & pergentes in civitatem Siracusie, adeo illa egritudo sic infecit Siragusanos, quod diversos immo immensos letaliter interfecit; terra Xacce, terra Trapani, & civitas Agrigenti. | What more? They were so abominable and feared that no one would speak to them or interact with them; instead, people fled swiftly from their sight, completely avoiding their breath, and they became a subject of mockery to all the people of Catania. And if any of them spoke to someone, they would be answered rudely, "I don’t speak to those from Messina." No one would give them shelter. They could not find houses to rent as living quarters. If it had not been for some Messinese families living in the city of Catania who secretly hosted them, they would have been completely without help. Thus, the Messinese dispersed throughout the entire island of Sicily, and when they reached the city of Syracuse, the plague so thoroughly infected the Syracusans that it lethally afflicted many, even in great numbers. The lands of Sciacca, Trapani, and the city of Agrigento were similarly affected. | Michele da Piazza 1791, p. 566. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1347-11-00-Genoa | November 1347 JL | Genoese galleys spread the Black Death in Genoa and Sicily. | Le galee de' Genovesi tornaro d'oltremare e da la città di Romania a dì ... di november e tornaro con molta infermità e corutione d'aria la quale era oltremare, in perrochè in quel paese d'oltremare morì in questo tenpo grande moltitudine di gente di morbo e pestilentia. Essendo gionte a Gienova le dette galee tenero per la Cicilia e lassorovi grande infermità e mortalità, che l'uno non potea socorare l'altro; e così gionti a Gienova di fatto v'attacoro il detto morbo e per questo tutti quelle navili furono tutti cacciati di Genova. | The galleys of the Genoese returned from overseas and from the city of Romania on dì ... of November, and returned with much infirmity and corruption of the air which was overseas, for in that overseas country a great multitude of people died of disease and pestilence at that time. When they reached Gienova, the said galleys sailed to Cicilia, and there they left great infirmity and mortality, so that the one could not support the other; and so when they reached Gienova, they attacked the said disease there, and for this reason all those galleys were expelled from Genoa. | Agnolo di Tura del Grasso 1939, p. 553. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon02 | 1348 JL | About the outbreak of the Black Death in the East and the arrival of the plague in Sicily and Avignon. People flee from the plague because of the infected air. | Anno Domini MCCCXLVIII. Tempore hyemali vel circa principium veris in partibus ultramarinis exorta est mortalitas seu pestilencia tam grandis, quod infinitam et inestimabilem multitudinem infidelium absorbuit et absumpsit. Que derivata ad terras cristicolarum maxime in locis maritimis, precipue tamen in Sicilia, innumerabilem populum prostravit. Fertur, quod in quadragesima circa Marsiliam urbem et Avionem tam crudeliter endinia sevierit, quod infra spacium unius mensis XVI milia hominum obierint. Immo, ut dicitur, tantum in Avione excessit, quod vivi homines non sufficiebant defunctorum corpora tumulare et [p. 276] ideo tandem in fluvium Rodanum certatim proiciebantur. Fertur insuper, quod papa pestem hanc de Avione ad aliam civitatem fugerit. Nichilominus fama testante in Sicilia homines de Messana metropoli et de aliis quam plurimis civitatibus, in quibus mors prevaluit, relictis eis vacuis fugierunt ad montana se transferentes, ut ibi salubri aere hausto contagiosum in civitatibus captum emitterent et eflarent. In Messana urbe Sicilie memorata de LX fratribus Minoribus conventualibus brevi spacio temporis XXX mox mortis furia de medio sublati sunt. Quo viso superstites conventu illo relicto ad loca se alia contulerunt. Predicta, scilicet terre motus et pestilencia, precurrencia mala sunt extreme voraginis et tempestatis secundum verbum salvatoris in ewangelio dicentis: "Erunt terre motus per loca et pestilencia et fames" et cetera. | In the year of our Lord 1348, at the time of winter or early spring, there was such a great mortality or plague overseas that it devoured and destroyed an infinite and incalculable number of unbelievers. It spread in the Christian areas, but mainly in coastal regions, especially in Sicily, where it struck down countless numbers of people. It is reported that during Lent, a plague raged around the cities of Marseille and Avignon that was so cruel that sixteen thousand people died within a month. It is even said that it became so bad in Avignon that there were not enough living people to bury the corpses, [p. 276] and they were therefore finally eagerly thrown into the river Rhône. It is also reported that the pope fled from Avignon to another city to escape this plague. Nevertheless, according to reports in Sicily, people fled from the metropolis of Messina and many other cities where death was rampant, leaving them empty and taking refuge in the mountains to expel the infected air from the cities and breathe it out. In the city of Messina in Sicily, thirty of the sixty Friars Minor of the convent were snatched from life by the fury of death within a short space of time. When the survivors saw this, they left the convent and travelled to other places.These events, namely earthquakes and pestilence, are harbingers of extreme evils and storms, as it says in the Gospel: "There will be earthquakes in various places and pestilence and famine" etc. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 275-276 | None |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon03 | 1348 JL | All the Carmelites and conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina were killed. | In predicta pestilencia omnes Carmelite et omnes fratres Heremitarum conventuales in Messana civitate Sicilie memorata morte absumpti sunti. | In the aforementioned plague, all the Carmelites and all the conventual brothers of the Eremites in Messina, the Sicilian city mentioned above, were killed. | Johannes von Winterthur, p. 279. | Translation by Moritz Uebelhack |
| 1348-00-00-Catalonia | 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death caused by severe earthquake in Villach and meteorite impacts in Catalonia. | In Italia e per tuto el mondo circha l'ora del vespero fuoron grandissimi tremoti, adì xxv de zenaro; el quale tremoto fuo sentito per tuto el mondo e maximamente in le parte da Charentana, dove è una citade nome Villach, la quale tuta somerse per lo dicto tremoto. Et fuo contato e scripto per merchadanti che nelle parte del Chatai piovete grandissima quantitade de vermi e de serpenti li quali devoravano grandissima quantitade de gente. Ancora in quelle contrade, tra el Chatai e Persia, piovete fuogo de celo a modo de neve, el quale brusoe li monti e lla terra e gli uomini, el quale fuogo faceva fumo tanto pestelenciale, che chi sentiva quello fumo, moriva infra spacio de xii [p. 585] hore; a(n)cora chi guardava quelli ch'erano venenati da quello fumo pestelenciale eciamdio morivano. Et advenne che doe galee de' Gienonesi passando per la dicta contrata fuorono inficiati de quella pestilencia e commenciarono a morire, et pervenuti in Costantinopoli e in Pera comenciano quelle galleoti a parlare con quelli de Constantinopoli e de Pera. Et incontente comenciò la mortalitade in quelle citade, per tale modo che ne morirono li dui terzi de le persone; e andate quelle doe galee in Sicilia e in Missina, apicione la mortalicha in quelle contrade, dove morìo circha vcxxx milia persone; e una cità de quelle reame, nome Trapani, remase desabitata per quella pestilencia, e nella citade de Gienoa morirono circha xl millia persone; ancora la cità de Marsilia remase quasi dexabitata per la dicta pestilencia, la quale pestilencia fuo per tuto el mundo. Et in quello anno, in lo dì de la nativitade de Yhesu Christo, apparve uno fuogho in celo, overo in l'aere, el quale teneva da [p. 586] levante a ponente. E ne le parte de Chatelogna' cadde da celo iii petre grandissime, e quelli de quella contrada mandarono una de quelle petre suso uno mullo al re de Chatelogna. [...] [p. 587] E per quelle ch'io trovo, quella pestilencia fuo generale per tuto el mundo, unde fuo scripto per merchadanti che in uno dì in la cità de Parise ne fuoron sepeliti mille trecento vinte octo, e molte cità de Franza e de oltra monti erano remase quase dexabitade per quella pestilencia; e de Venesia e de Chioza fuo contato che ogne dì morivano viC huomeni, e similmente fuo dicto de Pisa. | In Italy and throughout the world, around the hour of vespers on the 25th of January, there were very great earthquakes; this earthquake was felt throughout the world and especially in the region of Carinthia, where there is a city named Villach, which was entirely submerged by said earthquake. It was reported and written by merchants that in the region of Cathay there fell a great quantity of worms and serpents which devoured a vast number of people. Furthermore, in those regions, between Cathay and Persia, fire fell from the sky like snow, which burned the mountains, the land, and the men; this fire produced such a pestilential smoke that anyone who inhaled it died within twelve hours. Moreover, those who looked at those poisoned by that pestilential smoke also died. It happened that two Genoese galleys passing through the said region were infected by that pestilence and began to die, and upon arriving in Constantinople and Pera, those sailors began to speak with the people of Constantinople and Pera. Immediately, the mortality began in those cities, in such a manner that two-thirds of the people died; and when those two galleys arrived in Sicily and Messina, they spread the plague in those regions, where about 530,000 people died; and a city in that kingdom, named Trapani, was left uninhabited due to that pestilence, and in the city of Genoa about 40,000 people died; also the city of Marseille was almost depopulated due to the said pestilence, which was present throughout the world. And in that year, on the day of the Nativity of Jesus Christ, a fire appeared in the sky, or rather in the air, stretching from east to west. In the region of Catalonia, three very large stones fell from the sky, and the people of that region sent one of those stones on a mule to the king of Catalonia. [...] And from what I found, that pestilence was general throughout the world, for it was written by merchants that in one day in the city of Paris, 1,328 people were buried, and many cities in France and beyond the mountains were almost depopulated due to that pestilence; and it was reported from Venice and Chioggia that every day 600 men died, and similarly it was said of Pisa. | Anonymus 1938c, pp. 584–587 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Italy 002 | 1348 JL | Arrival of the Black Death from the Orient in Italy | In partibus Persie maxima quantitas ignis ab ethere descendit, qui combuxit arbores et homines, ac fumum tante putredinis faciebat quod, qui odorabant, in prossimis duodecim horis deficiebant. Tunc Januensium quedam naves circa partes illas pervenerunt, et statim quidam navigantium infecti sunt; et ubicumque dicte naves peragrabant, ibidem maxima mortalits insurgebat. Dum verso Constantinopolis, Peram Siciliamque sulcarent, inficiebant omnes et moriebantur. Postquam etenim Janue adherant, statim mors rapida fuit; et multa hominum milia occubuerunt. Civitas vero Dreppani tali morbo inhabitas remansit. | Annales Forolivienses, pp. 66–67 | Translation needed | |
| 1348-00-00-Italy 004 | 1348 JL | Report of Gabrielle de Mussis: Describes how the plague came from the city of Feodosia (Caffa) through sailors to Genoa and how it spreads rapidly about complete Italy, killing thousands and leading to mass deaths and panic. The society was overwhelmed by death and grief. The suffering is seen as a punishment from God. | Sane, quia ab oriente in occidentem transiuimus, licet omnia discutere que vidimus et cognouimus probabilimus argumentis, et que possumus deij terribilia Judicia declarare. audiant vniuersi et lacrimis habundare cogantur. Inquit enim conctipotens, delebo hominem quem creaui a facie terre. quia caro et sanguis est , in cinerem et puluerem conuertetur. Spiritus meus non permanebit in homine. Quid putas bone deus, sie tuam creaturam delere, et humanum genus, sic jubes, sic mandas subito depperire . vbi misericordia tua, vbi fedus patrum nostrorum.vbi est uirgo beata, que suo gremio continet peccatores. vbi martirum preciosus sanguis vbi confessorum et uirginum Agmina decorata, et tocius exercitus paradixi. qui pro peccatoribus rogare non desinunt . vbi mors Christi preciosa crucis, et nostra redemptio admirabilis. Cesset obsecro ira tua bone deus, nec sic conteras peccatores, ut fructu multiplicato penitencie. Aufferas omne malum nec cum iniustis iusti clampnentur quia misericordiam vis et non sacrificium. Te audio peccatorem, uerba mein auribus instillantem. Stille jubeo . Misericordie tempora deffecerunt. Deus uocor ulcionum. libet peccata et scelera vindicare. dabo signa mea inorientibus preuenti studeant animarum prouidere saluti. Sic euenit a preffata Caffensi terra,nauigio discedente, quedam paucis gubernata nautis, eciam uenenato morbo infectis Januam Applicarunt quedam venecijs quedam (p. 50) alijs partibus christianorum. Mirabile dictu. Nauigantes, cum ad terras aliquas accedebant, ac si rnaligni spiritus comitantes, mixtis hominibus Intererint. omnis ciuitas, omnis locus, omnis terra et habitatores eorum vtriusque sexus, morbi contagio pestifero uenenati, morte subita corruebant. Et cum unus ceperat Egrotari, mox cadens et moriens vniuersam familiam uenenabat. Iniciantes, ut cadauera sepelirent, mortis eodem genere corruebant. Sic sic mors per fenestras Intrabat. et depopullatis vrbibus et Castellis, loca, suos deffunctos acolas deplorabant. Dic dic Janua, quid fecisti. Narra Sijcilia, et Insule pellagi copiose, Judicia deij. Explica venecia, Tuscia, et tota ytalia, quid agebas. Nos Januensis et venetus dei Judicia reuellare compellimus. Proh dolor Nostris ad vrbes, classibus applicatis, Intrauimus domos nostras. Et quia nos grauis Infirmitas detinebat . et nobis de Mille Navigantibus vix decem supererant, propinqui, Affines, et conuicini ad nos vndique confluebant. heu nobis, qui mortis Jacula portabamus, dum amplexibus et osculis nos tenerent, ex ore, dum uerba uerba loquebamur, venenuni fundere cogebamur. Sic illi ad propria reuertentes, mox totam familiam venenabant . et Infra triduum, percussa familia, mortis Jaculo subiacebat, exequias funeris pro pluribus ministrantes, crescente numero deffunctorum pro sepulturis terra sufficere non ualebant. presbiteri et medici , quibus Infirmorum cura rnaior necessitatis Articulis Iminebat, dum Infirmos uisitare satagunt, proh dolor, recedentes Infirmi, deffunctos statim subsequuntur. O, patres. O, matres, O, filij, et vxores, gros diu prosperitas, Incollumes conseruauit, nec Infelices et Infeliciores, pre ceteris, vos simul, eadem sepultura concludit qui pari numdo fruebamini leticia et omnis prosperitas aridebat . qui gaudia uanitatibus miscebatis, idem tumulus vos suscepit, vermibus esca datos. O mors dura, mors Impia, mors aspera, mors crudelis, que sic parentes diuidis, dissocias coniugatos, filios Interficis, fratres separas , et sonores . plangimus, miseri calamitates nostras. | Since we have traveled from the east to the west, we are permitted to discuss all that we have seen and known with probable arguments and to declare the terrible judgments of God that we can. Let everyone hear and be compelled to overflow with tears. For the Almighty says, "I will destroy the man whom I have created from the face of the earth, because he is flesh and blood, and he will be turned into ashes and dust. My spirit will not remain in man." What do you think, good God, about thus destroying your creation and commanding the human race to suddenly perish in this way? Where is your mercy, where is the covenant with our fathers? Where is the blessed Virgin who holds sinners in her lap? Where is the precious blood of the martyrs, where are the decorated bands of confessors and virgins, and the entire army of paradise? They do not cease to pray for sinners. Where is the precious death of Christ on the cross and our admirable redemption? Cease, I beseech you, your anger, good God, and do not crush sinners so that the fruit of penance may multiply. Remove all evil, and do not let the just be condemned with the unjust, for you desire mercy, not sacrifice. I hear you, sinner, instilling my words in your ears. I command you to stop. The times of mercy have ended. I am called the God of vengeance. I am pleased to avenge sins and crimes. I will give my signs to those in the east, let them strive to ensure the salvation of their souls. Thus it happened that from the aforementioned land of Caffa, a certain ship, governed by a few sailors, even infected with the venomous plague, set sail and arrived at Genoa. Some went to Venice, others to other parts of Christendom. It is incredible to say. When the sailors approached any lands, as if accompanied by malignant spirits, mixing with the people, every city, every place, every land and its inhabitants of both sexes, infected by the contagious pestilence, suddenly collapsed in death. And when one began to fall sick, soon falling and dying, he poisoned the entire household. Those who came to bury the corpses fell by the same kind of death. Thus, death entered through the windows, and with the cities and castles depopulated, the places mourned their dead inhabitants. Tell, Genoa, what have you done? Tell, Sicily, and the numerous islands of the sea, declare the judgments of God. Explain, Venice, Tuscany, and all of Italy, what were you doing. We Genoese and Venetians are compelled to reveal the judgments of God. Oh, sorrow, when we arrived at our cities with our fleets, we entered our homes. And since we were held by a severe illness, with scarcely ten of us out of a thousand sailors surviving, relatives, friends, and neighbors flocked to us from everywhere. Alas for us, who bore the arrows of death, as they held us in their embraces and kisses, while we spoke words, we were compelled to pour out poison from our mouths. Thus, they returning to their homes, soon poisoned their entire household. And within three days, the family struck by the arrow of death lay dead, and those attending the funerals of many could not find enough earth for burials, as the number of the dead increased. Priests and doctors, whose care for the sick was most needed, while striving to visit the sick, oh sorrow, leaving the sick, immediately followed the dead. Oh, fathers, oh mothers, oh sons, and wives, whom prosperity long preserved unharmed, neither the unfortunate nor the most unfortunate were buried together in the same grave. Those who enjoyed equal prosperity and happiness, the same tomb received, given as food for worms. Oh harsh death, impious death, bitter death, cruel death, that thus divides parents, separates spouses, kills sons, and separates brothers and sisters. We, the miserable, lament our calamities. | Template:Gabrielle de Mussi, pp. 49–50 | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1348-00-00-Middle East | February 1348 JL | The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East; High mortality in Lucca, Pisa, Venice from February to June. | In lo dicto millesimo si fu una grandissima mortalità in più parte del mondo, specialmente a Zenoa, a Pisa, a Lucha, a Vinexia, in Avignone, in la Cicilia, e più città si facea guardia, de che queste città prescripte le persone de quelle non gli potesseno entrare. Et questo si cominzò in 1347, e pare che el commenzamento fusse al Chataio et in Persia, che gli piové aqua cum vermi et appuzolava tucte le persone et contrade, et possa parve che gli chadesse balotte facte como uno homo a grossa la testa et parea neve et como elle erano in terra che ardeano la terra et le prede, come fusseno legne; sì che disesse ch'ele fevano fumo grandissimo et quanti [p. 583] vedeva questo subbito chadevano morti. De che pare che da x galee de Christiani, zoè de Zenovisi, Ceciliani et d' altre parte, arivaseno là, et sentino de questo, et comminzono a morire; de che se partino et zaschuno s'apressò d'arivare alle soe contrade, et in ogni parte, là dove elli arivavano, si diseano' questa pistolenza, che zaschuno che gli odiva o vedeva, incontenti si era morto, o vero infermo; de che la mortaligha in le città sopradicte è 't sì forte et sì fiera che christiano non lo poteva contare. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innanzi che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì io l'avi. Questa mortalità da Lucha, da Pisa, da Vinexia fu in lo mille 3e 48, de febraro, de marzo, d'aprile, de mazo et de zugno. | In the said thousandth year, there was a great mortality in many parts of the world, especially in Zenoa, Pisa, Lucha, Vinexia, Avignon, and Cicilia, and more cities were guarded, so that these cities prescribed that the people of those cities could not enter them. And this began in M3cxl7, and it seems that the beginning was at Chataio and in Persia, that it rained water with worms and it appuzzolava all the people and lands, and it seemed to him that there fell boulders made like a man with a large head and it seemed like snow and how they were on the ground that burned the earth and the prey, as if they were wood; so that he said that they made very great smoke and those who [p. 583] saw this sub-burden. 583] saw this immediately fell dead. So it seems that from x galleys of Christians, namely from Zenovisi, Ceciliani and others, they arrived there, and heard of this, and began to die; So they departed and each one opened up to reach his own quarters, and in every place, where they arrived, they said to each other, that each one who hated them, or saw them, met with death, or was truly ill; so that the mortality in the cities above is so strong and so fierce that the Christians could not count it. Et si vidi la lettera lá ove queste cose erano scripte, che da cielo era chazù tre prede grosse quanto è uno barile da mele zaschuna, et havela innteriormente che questa mortaligha fusse in Ytalia; et fu dà la lettera a Pisa et de llì l'avvi. This mortality from Lucha, from Pisa, from Venice was in 1348, in February, de March, April, May and June. | Cronaca A (-1350), pp. 582–583. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1348-00-00-Middle East 002 | 1348 JL | The beginning and the origins of the Black Death in the Middle East and about the severe earthquake especially in Villach. | In 1348 in Italia e per tuto lo mondo, circha l'ora de vespero, fonno grandissimi teramoti adì 25 de zenaro. El quale teramoto fo sentito per tuto el mondo e masimamente in le parti de Charantana, donde è una citade nome Vilach, la quale fo tuta somerssa per lo ditto teramoto; e fo contado e scrito per merchatanti che ne le parte del Chatay piovè grandisima quantitade de vermi e de serpenti li quali devoravano de le persone. Anchora in quele contrade del Chatay e de Persia piové fuogo da zielo a modo neve, el quale fuogo bruxò li monti e la terra e gli omeni, el quale fuogo faceva fumo tanto pesetelenziale chi chi lo sentìa morìa [p. 590] in fra spacio de 12 ore. Anchora chi guardava quili, ch'erano avenenati da quelo fumo, moriano. E avene che doe Zenoixi, passando per dita contrada fono infiziati de questa pistilenzia e cominzarno a morire. E prevenuti a Costantinopoli e in Pera incontenenti queli comenzono a morire in quele citade in tal modo che ne morì li dui terzi de le persone; e, andate quelle doe galee in Sizilia e in Misina, apichono la mortalitade in quele contrade dove morì 530 milia persone. E una citade de quelo reame che à nome Prapani remaxe dexabitada per quella pistilenzia. E in la cità de Zenora morì circa 40 milia persone. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, aparve uno fuogo ne l'aiera, el quale tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] E ne le parte de Catalogna cade tre prede grandissime e quili de quele contrade mandono una de quele prede su uno mulo al re de Catalogna. [...] [p. 592] E per quelo ch'io trovo, quella pistilenzia fo per tuto lo mondo: Unde fo scrito per merchadanti che in la cità de Parixi, in uno dì forno sepelidi 1328 persone, e molte citdae de Franza e d'oltra monti romaxeno quasi desabitade. E in Venexia e de Chioza se disse che ogni dì circha 600 persone, e similmente de Pixa. | In 1348 in Italy and all over the world, around the hour of evening, there was a great earthquake on the 25th of January. This earthquake was heard all over the world, and especially in the Charantana area, where there is a town called Vilach, which was completely submerged by this earthquake; and it was reported and written by merchants that in the Chatay area it rained a great quantity of worms and snakes which devoured people. Also in those parts of Chatay and Persia it rained snow-like gale-force winds, which burned the mountains and the earth and people, and which made such heavy smoke that those who felt it died within 12 hours. Even those who looked at those who were poisoned by that smoke died. And it came to pass that two Zenoixi, passing through the district, were infected with this pistilenzia and began to die. And when they came to Constantinople and Pera they began to die in those cities in such a way that two thirds of the people died; and when those two galleys went to Syzilia and Misina, they opened the mortality in those lands where 530 thousand people died. And a city of that realm, which is called Prapani, became inhabited by that people. And in the city of Zenora about 40 thousand people died. Anchora a la zitade de Marsilia remaxe quaxi desabitada. La quale pistilenzia fo per tutto lo mondo. E in quelo anno, per la nativitade de Ihesu Christo, a fuogo ne l'aiera aparve, el el el tenìa da livante a ponente. [p. 591] And in the part of Catalonia three very great preys fell, and those from those lands sent one of them on a mule to the King of Catalonia. [...] [p. 592] And from what I find, that pistilenzia was for all the world: so it was written by merchants that in the city of Parixi, in one day 1328 people were buried, and many cities of France and other mountains were almost deserted. And in Venice and Chioza it was said that every day about 600 people were buried, and similarly in Pisa. | Cronaca Bolognetti 1938, pp. 589–592. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1348-00-00-Sicily | 1348 JL | Black Death in Sicily | Eo namque tempore, anno videlicet domini MCCCXLVIII, in toto regno Siciliae, et generaliter per totum mundum, pestifera mortalitas perduravit et morbus talis, quod subito apparebat glandula in inguine hominis et infra duos aut tres dies ad tardius hominem occidebat. Sicque in terra ipsa tanta invaluit ipsa mortalitas, quod quasi modicus superfuit populus in eadem; et sic generaliter contigit in singulis civitatibus et casalibus regni hujus et mundi. | Dominico de Gravina 1903, p. 49 | Translation needed | |
| 1348-00-00-Trapani | 1348 JL | Apocalyptic origins of plague in Persia. Transported by the Genovese via Constantinople to Sicily and annihilation of Trapani | In partibus Persie maxima quantitas ignis ab ethere descendit, qui combuxit arbores et homines, ac fumum tante putredinis faciebat quod, qui odorabant, in prossimis duodecim horis deficiebant. Tunc Januensium quedam naves circa partes illas pervenerunt, et statim quidam navigantium infecti sunt; et ubicumque dicte naves peragrabant, ibidem maxima mortalits insurgebat. Dum verso Constantinopolis, Peram Siciliamque sulcarent, inficiebant omnes et moriebantur. Postquam etenim Janue adherant, statim mors rapida fuit; et multa hominum milia occubuerunt. Civitas vero Dreppani tali morbo inhabitas remansit. | In parts of Persia, a great quantity of fire descended from the sky, which burned trees and people, and the smoke produced such a stench that those who inhaled it perished within the next twelve hours. Then, certain Genoese ships arrived in those parts, and immediately some of the sailors were infected; and wherever these ships traveled, a great mortality arose. When they sailed towards Constantinople, Pera, and Sicily, they infected everyone and people died. After arriving in Genoa, death struck rapidly, and many thousands of people perished. The city of Trapani remained uninhabited due to this plague | Mazzatini 1903-09, pp. 66-67 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-01-00-Pisa 002 | January 1348 JL | Outbreak of a severe plague with a high mortality in Pisa caused by the Genoese galleys and almost collapse of the social order. | E nel ditto anno milltrecientoquarantotto, di po' questo mutamento, venne una novella a Pisa, come in Cicilia e a Napuli si era incomincciata una grande mortalità di gente, poi venne come s'era incomincciata in Genova. E, alla 'ntrata di gennaio, venne in Pisa due ghaleie delli gienovesi, che veniano di Romania. E come furono giunte alla piassa delli Pesci chiunque favella co lloro subitamente tornava a casa malato e in poghi dì morto, e chiunqua favellava al malato o tocchasse di quelli morti altressì tosto amalava e morto era in poghi dì. E ffu sì sparta la grande corrutione che quazi ogni persona moria. E fue sì grande la paura che ll'uno non volea vedere l'autro, lo padre non volea veder lo figluolo morire, né 'l figluolo lo padre, né ll'uno fratello l'autro, né lla donna lo marito, e ogni persona fuggia la morte <e poco li valea che chiunque dovea morire, si moria>. E non ssi trovava persona che llo volesse portare a ffossa né sotterrare. Ma quello Signore che fecie lo Cielo e la Terra providde bene ogni cosa, che llo padre vedendo morire lo suo figluolo e morto e abandonato da ogni persona, che niuno lo volea tochare né chucire né portare, elli si 'chuzava morto. E poi faciea elli stesso lo meglo ch'ello potea, elli lo chucia e ppoi con aiuto d'altri lo portava a la fossa, elli stesso lo sotterava. E poi l'autro giorno elli e chiunqua l'avea tocchato si era morto. Ma ben ti dico che ffu proveduto di dare aiuto l'uno all'autro, che 'n tutto che cciaschuno moria, chiunque tochasse lui o di suoe cose u denari u panni, non di meno non ne rimase niuno morto in nessuna casa che non ffusse sotterato (p. 146) honoratamenta seconda la qualità sua. In tanta carità diè Iddio che ll'uno uzando coll'autro achuzando se morto, e' dicieano: 'Aiutalli a portare a ffossa, acciò che siamo portati anco noi', e chi per amore e chi per denari. E la persona il più istava malata il più due o tre dì inssine in quattro, ma poghi, e la maggiore parte moriano i più brevi iddì. | And in the said year one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, after this change, news came to Pisa, as in Cicilia and Napuli a great mortality of people had begun, then came as it had begun in Genoa. And, at the beginning of January, two galleys of the Genoese, who came from Romania, came to Pisa. And as soon as they arrived at the Pisces Pass, anyone who spoke with them immediately returned home sick and dead, and anyone who spoke to the sick or touched those who were dead also quickly fell ill and was dead in a few days. And so great was the corruption that every person died. And so great was the fear that the one did not want to see the other, the father did not want to see his son die, nor the son his father, nor the brother the other, nor the woman her husband, and every person fled death <and little did it matter that whoever had to die, died>. And no one could be found who would take him to the grave or bury him. But the Lord who made Heaven and Earth provided all things well, so that the father, seeing his son dead and abandoned by every person, and that no one wanted to touch him, nor to bury him, nor to carry him, he thought himself dead. And then he himself did the best he could, he buried him, and then with the help of others he carried him to the grave. And then on the next day he and whoever had touched him had died. But I can tell you that it was arranged to give help to each other, so that in spite of the fact that everyone died, whoever touched him or his belongings, money or clothes, there was no one left dead in any house who was not buried (p. 146) honorably according to his quality. In such charity did God give that the one killed the other, and they said: 'Help them to be carried to the grave, so that we too may be carried', some for love and some for money. And the person was sick most two or three days in four, but few, and most died the shortest. | Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 146 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1348-04-08-Perugia1 | 8 April 1348 JL | Outbreak of the Black Death in Perugia; remarkable information from Paris and all across the known world via the papal court in Avignon | Adì 8 de aprile nel dicto millesimo comenzó in Peroscia una grande mortalità de peslilenzia, de modo chi se abatteva non viveva olirà doi dì ; et era infirmila si venenosa che non se trovava frate ne prcite che glie volesse confessare ne comunicare gli infirmi , ne chi glie volesse sepellirc ; et de ciò morirono grande quantità de cinerei. Comenzó la dieta mortalità in Toscana , et maxime in Pisa , la quale remase quasi inabitata ; et la dieta mortalità fu quasi per tutto ci mondo generalmente , maxime nelle terre de la marina , et anco in Francia ; però che vennero lettere al nostro comuno de Peroscia che in Parigi, adi 13 de marzo 1348, dentro nella cita erano stati sepulti 1573 homini boni citadini, sensa numerare le donne , mammoli e povere persone , delle quale non se ne teneva conto. Per questa cagione lo re de Francia e la regina se ne fuggirò ad uno castello lontano da Parigi cinque miglia chiamato Leonis , et lì morì la dicta regina con uno suo figlio, et certe nepote et molti altri baroni. Anco in un'altra cita pure de Francia, chiamata Noydes , la quale faceva vinte milia homini, et non ce ne remascro vivi 200. Anco in Avignone erano morte cinquantaquattro milia persone. Più oltra scrissero molti grandi principi e signori al Papa , fra li quali fu ci principe de Cypri, da Maiorica, da Alexandria, da Normandya,da Schiavonya, da Capadócia e da molte altre parte , come da Armenya maiure et in Cicilia , qualmente in questi tali paesi non ce era rimasta viva quasi alcuna persona , et che le bestie silvatiche andavano per le cita ; et dice che anco era grandissima mortalità in Turchya , in Costantinopoli e per tutto lo Oriente; et per tutta la Sicilia erano quasi tutti gli pesce de l'acque venenate , et chi ne mangiava moriva. . | On the 8th of April in the said year, a great mortality due to pestilence began in Perugia, so much so that those who fell ill did not live beyond two days; and the illness was so poisonous that no friar or priest could be found who would confess or administer communion to the sick, nor anyone who would bury them; and because of this, a great number of people died without sacraments. This mortality began in Tuscany, and especially in Pisa, which was left almost uninhabited; and this mortality was generally all over the world, especially in coastal lands, and also in France; for letters came to our commune of Perugia that in Paris, on the 13th of March 1348, 1573 good citizens were buried within the city, not counting the women, children, and poor people, of whom no account was kept. For this reason, the King of France and the Queen fled to a castle five miles away from Paris called Leones, and there the said queen died with one of her sons, some nephews, and many other barons. Also, in another city in France called Noyon, which had twenty thousand inhabitants, not even two hundred remained alive. In Avignon, fifty-four thousand people died. Moreover, many great princes and lords wrote to the Pope, among whom were the prince of Cyprus, from Majorca, from Alexandria, from Normandy, from Slavonia, from Cappadocia, and from many other places, such as Greater Armenia and Sicily, stating that in these countries almost no one was left alive, and that wild animals roamed the cities; and they said that there was also a great mortality in Turkey, in Constantinople, and throughout the East; and throughout Sicily, almost all the fish in the waters were poisoned, and whoever ate them died | Cronaca di Perugia 1850, p. 148 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1452-00-00-Messina | 1452 JL | A nun wants to move to another monastery in the diocese of Messina in 1479 as plague has emptied her orignal monastery. | ob raritate monialium in eodem monasterio causante peste que inibi diutius viguit mortuarum. | Because of the scarcity of nuns in the same monastery, caused by the plague that persists there for a long time, resulting in many deaths. | Esch 2014, p. 523, footnote 63. | None |
