Naples
From EpiMedDat
In Naples, a total of 12 epidemic events are known so far. It is a city in Campania, Italy in Italy. The coordinates are 40° 50' 0.00" N, 14° 15' 0.00" E.
Map of Naples
Table
| Disease | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1191-00-00-Neapel 0001 | 1191 JL | Death in Naples through a Pestilentia. | Imperator vero Neapolim cum obsederit, pene suis omnibus pestilenti morte peremptis, spe sua propositove cassatus est. | When the Emperor indeed besieged Naples, nearly all his own men were killed by a deadly plague, and he was frustrated in his hope or plan | Salimbene De Adam 1966, p. 24 | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1191-00-00-Neapel 0002 | 1191 JL | After the coronation of Henry VI. he conquered all the land to Naples. The siege of Naples falled because a plague broke out among the soldiers and Henry and his wife Constance fell ill as well. Constance died shortly after that. (Actually she died only the 27th November 1198) | Come lo 'mperadore Arrigo conquistò il regno di Puglia Come il detto Arrigo fu coronato imperadore [1191], e isposata Gostanza imperadrice, onde ebbe in dota il reame di Cicilia e di Puglia con consentimento del papa e della Chiesa, e rendendone il censo usato, e già nato Federigo suo figliuolo, incontanente con sua oste e colla moglie n'andòe nel Regno, e vinse tutto il paese infino a la città di Napoli, ma que' di Napoli non si vollono arrendere, onde Arrigo vi puose l'assedio, e stettevi tre mesi. E nella detta oste fue tanta pestilenzia d'infermità e di mortalità, che 'l detto Arrigo e la moglie v'infermaro, e della sua gente vi morì la maggiore parte; onde per necessità si levò dal detto assedio con pochi quasi inn-isconfitta, e infermo tornò a Roma, e la 'mperadrice Gostanza per malatia presa ne l'oste poco appresso si morìo, e lasciò Federigo suo figliuolo piccolino in guardia e in tutela di santa Chiesa. […] | How the emperor Arrigo conquered the kingdom Puglia As the said Arrigo was crowned emperor [1191], and married empress Gostanza, so he had the kingdom of Sicily and Apulia as a dowry, with the consent of the pope and the Church, and making the fee used, and already Federigo his son was born, He went into the kingdom with his entourage and his wife and conquered the whole country as far as the city of Naples, but the people of Naples did not want to surrender, so Arrigo laid siege to it and stayed there for three months. In the camp there was such a plague of sickness and death that the said Arrigo and his wife fell ill, and most of his people died there; so that he had to leave the siege with a few almost unconquered, and he returned to Rome sick, and the empress Gostanza died a short time later of a disease caught in the camp, and left Federigo his young son in the custody of the Holy Church. | Giovanni Villani 1990,Vol. 1, p. 247. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1347-00-00-Naples | 1347 JL | Louis I of Hungary went on pilgrimage to Apulia to confirm the barons and to escape the plague which already raged in Naples. | […] E partita del Regno la detta compagna, se n'andò il re il Puglia in pellegrinaggio al Monte Santo Agnolo e San Nicolò di Bari, e per sagire i baroni e paese di Puglia alla sua signoria, e per cessare la pistolenza della mortalità, che già era cominciata a Napoli grandissima. | After this company departed the regno, the king went on pilgrimage to Puglia, to Monte Santo Angelo and San Niccolò di Bari, to confirm the barons and the land of Puglia under his lordship and to escape the pestilence of sickness which had already begun and was already great in Naples. | Giovanni Villani 1990, Vol. 3, p. 548. | None |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon | 1348 JL | Origins of the Black Death beyond the sea, its way via Naples to Montpellier and Marseille, and its impact in Avignon. | Postea, videlicet anno Domini MCCCXLIX., [p. 422] presertim in partibus ultramarinis et aliis vicinis, qualis a tempore diluvii non est facta, aliquibus terris hominibus penitus vacuatis multisque trieribus in mari cum mercimoniis, habitatoribus extinctis, sine rectore repertis. Marsilie episcopus cum toto capitulo et quasi omnes Predicatores et Minores cum dupla parte inhabitancium perierunt. Quid in Monte Pessulano, in Neapoli et aliis regnis et civitatibus actum sit, quis narraret? Multitudinem moriencium Avinione in curia, contagionem, morbi, ex qua sine sacramentis perierant homines et nec parentes filiorum nec e contra nec socii sociorum nec famuli dominorum curam habuerant, quot domus cum omni suppellectile vacue fuerunt, quas nullus ingredi audebat, horror est scribere vel narrare! Nulla fuit ibi causarum agitacio. Papa inclusus camere habenti ignes magnos continue nulli dabat accessum. Terrasque hec pestis transibat, nec poterant philosophantes, quamvis multa dicerent, certam de hiis dicere racionem, nisi quod Dei esset voluntas. Hocque nunc hic, tunc ibi per integrum annum immo pluries continuabantur. | Later, namely in the year of our Lord 1349, especially in overseas regions and other neighboring places, such devastation occurred as had not been seen since the time of the flood, with entire lands emptied of people and many ships left in the sea with their cargoes, their inhabitants extinct, and no leader found. The Bishop of Marseille, with his entire chapter, and almost all the Dominicans and Franciscans, along with half of the inhabitants, perished. Who could recount what happened in Montpellier, in Naples, and other kingdoms and cities? The multitude dying in Avignon, the contagion, the disease from which people died without sacraments, neither parents for their children nor vice versa, nor companions for each other, nor servants for their masters, had care, how many houses were left vacant with all their furnishings, which no one dared to enter— it is horrifying to write or tell! There was no debate of causes there. The Pope, confined to his chamber with large fires continually burning, granted access to no one. And this plague spread across lands, and philosophers, though they spoke much, could not give a certain explanation of these things, except that it was the will of God. And thus, now here, then there, throughout the entire year, indeed repeatedly, it continued.. | Matthias de Nuwenburg Chronica 1924-40, pp. 421-422. | Translation by Martin Bauch; None; |
| 1348-00-00-Avignon01 | 1348 JL | Arivval of the Black Death in many cities and regions of Southern France and Italy and consequences like changing burial habits, collapsing social bonds and abandoned settlements. | Eodem anno (1348) in Avinione, Marsilia, Monte Pessulano, urbibus Provincie, immo per totam Provinciam, Vasconiam, Franciam per omnemque mediterranei maris oram usque in Ytaliam et per urbes Ytalie quam plurimas, puta Bononiam, Ravennam, Venetias, Januam, Pisas, Lucam, Romam, Neapolim, Messanam et urbes ceteras epydimia tam ingens, atrox et seva violenter incanduit, quod in nullo dispar sexu, in etate nulla dissimilis, masculos et feminas, senes et juvenes, plebem et nobiles, pauperes, divites et potentes, precipue tamen plebem et laycos generali fedaque tabe delevit. Interimque lues oborta populum conripuit et depopulata est, ut in plerisque locis ministri sepeliendorum funerum primum multitudine cadaverum gravarentur, post difficulter invenirentur, post non sufficerent, et tandem penitus non essent. Jam etiam magne domus et parve per totas urbes, immo et urbes quam plures vivis hominibus vacue remanserunt et mortuis plene. In urbibus et domibus et campis et locis aliis opes et possessiones copiosissime, sed nulli penitus possessores. Denique tam sevi tabescentium etiam sub tectis et in stratis suis cadaverum putores exalabant, quod non solum in urbibus ipsis vivendi, sed etiam ad ipsas terras et urbes appropinquandi per duo milia passuum non erat facultas hominibus, nis inficerentur, subito (p. 274) corriperentur, post triduum morerentur, et jam nec sepilrentur. Et, ut paucis expediam, tam ingens, tam pestifer ignis epydimalis conflagravit, ut non, quantum hominum in partibus illis absumpserit, sed quantum reliquerit, inquirendum videatur. Vir uxorem et uxor virum, mater filiam et illa matrem, pater filium et e converso, frater sororem et illa fratrum et sororem, et postremo quilibet quemlibet amicum tabescere incipientem contagionis timore reliquit. | In the same year (1348), in Avignon, Marseille, Montpellier, the cities of Provence, indeed throughout entire Provence, Gascony, France, along every coast of the Mediterranean Sea up to Italy, and through many cities of Italy, such as Bologna, Ravenna, Venice, Genoa, Pisa, Lucca, Rome, Naples, Messina, and countless other cities, an epidemic so immense, fierce, and cruelly violent broke out that it spared no one of any sex, age, neither male nor female, nor exempt from any age group, afflicting men and women, old and young, commoners and nobles, the poor, the rich, and the powerful, especially the common people and laypersons, with a general and foul contagion. Meanwhile, the plague that had arisen seized the people and laid waste to them, so that in many places those responsible for burying the dead were first overwhelmed by the multitude of corpses, then one struggled to find them, later there were insufficient of them, and finally they couldn't be found at all. Now, both large and small houses throughout the cities, indeed, even many cities, were left empty of living people and full of the dead. In the cities, houses, fields, and other places, riches and possessions were abundant, but there were no owners anywhere. Finally, such a severe contagion of those wasting away caused the stench of corpses to waft even under roofs and in their beds, such that not only was there no opportunity for people to live in the cities themselves, but even approaching the lands and cities within a distance of two miles was impossible for people, unless they got infected, suddenly seized (p. 274) and died after three days. They were no longer buried. And, to summarize briefly, such a great, such a deadly epidemic fire raged that it seems not only necessary to investigate how many people it consumed in those regions, but how many it left behind. A husband abandoned his wife, and a wife her husband; a mother her daughter, and she her mother; a father his son, and vice versa; a brother his sister, and she her brothers and sisters; and, finally, everyone abandoned anyone at the first sign of the disease's spreading out of fear of contagion. | Heinrich von Herford 1859, pp. 273-274. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1348-00-00-Naples | 1348 JL | Black Death leads to the withdrawal of King Louis the Great of Hungary | Eodem millesimo et temporibus maxima pestis mortalitatis fuit in civitate Neapolim, in qua mortui sunt in duobus mensibus LXIIIIm; quapropter rex Ungarie recessit inde | Anonymus 1908, p. 162 | Translation needed | |
| 1348-01-00-Pisa 002 | January 1348 JL | Outbreak of a severe plague with a high mortality in Pisa caused by the Genoese galleys and almost collapse of the social order. | E nel ditto anno milltrecientoquarantotto, di po' questo mutamento, venne una novella a Pisa, come in Cicilia e a Napuli si era incomincciata una grande mortalità di gente, poi venne come s'era incomincciata in Genova. E, alla 'ntrata di gennaio, venne in Pisa due ghaleie delli gienovesi, che veniano di Romania. E come furono giunte alla piassa delli Pesci chiunque favella co lloro subitamente tornava a casa malato e in poghi dì morto, e chiunqua favellava al malato o tocchasse di quelli morti altressì tosto amalava e morto era in poghi dì. E ffu sì sparta la grande corrutione che quazi ogni persona moria. E fue sì grande la paura che ll'uno non volea vedere l'autro, lo padre non volea veder lo figluolo morire, né 'l figluolo lo padre, né ll'uno fratello l'autro, né lla donna lo marito, e ogni persona fuggia la morte <e poco li valea che chiunque dovea morire, si moria>. E non ssi trovava persona che llo volesse portare a ffossa né sotterrare. Ma quello Signore che fecie lo Cielo e la Terra providde bene ogni cosa, che llo padre vedendo morire lo suo figluolo e morto e abandonato da ogni persona, che niuno lo volea tochare né chucire né portare, elli si 'chuzava morto. E poi faciea elli stesso lo meglo ch'ello potea, elli lo chucia e ppoi con aiuto d'altri lo portava a la fossa, elli stesso lo sotterava. E poi l'autro giorno elli e chiunqua l'avea tocchato si era morto. Ma ben ti dico che ffu proveduto di dare aiuto l'uno all'autro, che 'n tutto che cciaschuno moria, chiunque tochasse lui o di suoe cose u denari u panni, non di meno non ne rimase niuno morto in nessuna casa che non ffusse sotterato (p. 146) honoratamenta seconda la qualità sua. In tanta carità diè Iddio che ll'uno uzando coll'autro achuzando se morto, e' dicieano: 'Aiutalli a portare a ffossa, acciò che siamo portati anco noi', e chi per amore e chi per denari. E la persona il più istava malata il più due o tre dì inssine in quattro, ma poghi, e la maggiore parte moriano i più brevi iddì. | And in the said year one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, after this change, news came to Pisa, as in Cicilia and Napuli a great mortality of people had begun, then came as it had begun in Genoa. And, at the beginning of January, two galleys of the Genoese, who came from Romania, came to Pisa. And as soon as they arrived at the Pisces Pass, anyone who spoke with them immediately returned home sick and dead, and anyone who spoke to the sick or touched those who were dead also quickly fell ill and was dead in a few days. And so great was the corruption that every person died. And so great was the fear that the one did not want to see the other, the father did not want to see his son die, nor the son his father, nor the brother the other, nor the woman her husband, and every person fled death <and little did it matter that whoever had to die, died>. And no one could be found who would take him to the grave or bury him. But the Lord who made Heaven and Earth provided all things well, so that the father, seeing his son dead and abandoned by every person, and that no one wanted to touch him, nor to bury him, nor to carry him, he thought himself dead. And then he himself did the best he could, he buried him, and then with the help of others he carried him to the grave. And then on the next day he and whoever had touched him had died. But I can tell you that it was arranged to give help to each other, so that in spite of the fact that everyone died, whoever touched him or his belongings, money or clothes, there was no one left dead in any house who was not buried (p. 146) honorably according to his quality. In such charity did God give that the one killed the other, and they said: 'Help them to be carried to the grave, so that we too may be carried', some for love and some for money. And the person was sick most two or three days in four, but few, and most died the shortest. | Template:Cronica di Pisa 2005, p. 146 | Translation by DeepL |
| 1362-00-00-Italy | June 1362 JL | Pestis secunda in Italy is explained with weather methaphors with regard to its unclear pattern. | In questi tempi, del mese di giugno e luglio, la usata pistolenzia dell'anguinaia con danno grandissimo percosse la città di Bologna, e tutto il Casentino occupò, salvo che certe ville alle quali perdonò, procedendo quasi in similtudine di grandine, la quale e questo e quel campo pericola, e quello del mezzo [p. 586] quasi perdonando trapassa; e sse similtudine di suo effetto dare si può, se cciò procede dal cielo per mezzo dell'aria corrotta, simile pare alle nuvole rade e spesse, per le quali passi i rraggio del sole, e dove fa sprendere e dove no. Or come che 'l fatto si vada, nel Casentino infino a Decomano nelle terre del conte Ruberto fé grande damaggio d'ogni maniera di gente: toccò Modona e Verona assai, e lla città di Pisa e di Lucca, e in certe parti del contado di Firenze vicine all'alpi, e nelle alpi delli Ubaldini: a' Pisani tolse molti cittadini, ma più soldati. Nell' isola di rodi in questi tempi ha ffatti danni incredibili: e nel MCCCLXII del mese di luglio e d'agosto aspramente assalì l'oste de' collegati di Lombardia sopra la città di Brescia per modo che convenne se ne partisse, e nella città danno fece assai. Nella città di Napoli e in molte terre de Regno, ove assai, e dove poco facea, ove neente. Nelle case vicini a fFegghine cominciò d'ottobre in una ruga, e ll' altre vie non toccò. In Firenze ove in una casa ove in un'altra di rado e poco per infino a calen di dicembre. | In these times, in the months of June and July, the recurring plague of the groin area struck the city of Bologna with great harm and spread throughout the entire Casentino region, except for certain villages which were spared. It proceeded almost in a manner similar to hail, which damages one field and the next but spares the one in the middle; if a comparison to its effect can be made, it seems to proceed from the sky through the corrupted air, similar to sparse and dense clouds, through which the sun's rays pass, shining in some places and not in others. However it happened, in Casentino up to Decomano in the lands of Count Ruberto, it caused great damage to all kinds of people: it affected Modena and Verona significantly, as well as the cities of Pisa and Lucca, and in certain parts of the Florence countryside near the Alps, and in the Ubaldini Alps. It took many citizens from the Pisans, but more soldiers. In the island of Rhodes during these times, it caused incredible damage: and in 1362, in the months of July and August, it harshly attacked the allied army of Lombardy above the city of Brescia to the point that they had to retreat, and it caused considerable damage in the city. In the city of Naples and many lands of the Kingdom, it caused much damage in some places, little in others, and none in others. Near Feghine, it began in October in one street but did not touch the others. In Florence, it affected one house or another rarely and slightly until the beginning of December.. | Matteo Villani 1995, vol. 2, pp. 585–586. | Translation by DeepL |
| 1382-00-00-Naples | 1382 JL | The army of the Duke of Anjous was defeated near to Naples. There and in many other places, like Ferrara, Bologna and Pisa was a high mortality. | Più, e più volte fu detto, che della gente del Duca d'Angiò, assai ne sono stati sconfitti, morti, e presi. Dicesi ch'è presso a Napoli a otto miglia, o così, e che ivi è mortalità di gente, ed hae grande caro di vettovaglia. In detto anno cominciò la mortalità in più luoghi, in Ferrara, in Bologna, in Pisa, ed in più altri luoghi. | It has been reported several times that many of the Duke of Anjou's men were defeated, killed and captured. It is said that he is near Naples, about eight miles away, and that there is a high mortality rate there and great scarcity of food. In that year the mortality began in many places, in Ferrara, in Bologna, in Pisa and in many other places. | Naddo de Montecatini: Memorie istoriche 1784, p. 61. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1383-00-00-Rome | 1383 JL | Plague in Rome which led among other things to the flight of the pope Urban to the city Tivoli. | 835. In deme jare Cristi 1383 do toch van Rome paves Urbanus mit sinen cardinalen to Neapolis; dar bles he langhe tiid, unde en dachhte nicht wedder to Rome to komende dorch groter bedwengnisse willen unde not, de he let to Rome. he sprak, dat he wolde theen ute der pestilencie, de do grot was to Rome. he toch in de stad Tiburtin mit (p. 578) der Prignisse. | 835. In the year of Christ 1383, Pope Urban, along with his cardinals, left Rome for Naples; there he stayed for a long time and did not plan to return to Rome because of the great hardships and troubles he had left behind there. He said that he wanted to escape the plague, which was then widespread in Rome. He withdrew to the city of Tibur (Tivoli) with the Curia. | Detmar's Croneke van Lubeke 1884/99, Vol. 1, pp. 577-578. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1400-04-00-Florence | April 1400 JL | A terrible plague came to Florence and many people died; in June there were more than 200 corpses a day. The citizens fled to the countryside and Bologna and Arezzo after the feast of Johan Baptist (24 June), but many people died there too. In other cities such as Rome, Naples, Pisa or Lucca, the mortality rate was just as high. In Florence, they had to reorganise because so many people had left. | Capitolo IV. — Come grande mortalità fu in Firenze e altrove questo anno. In questo anno fu in Firenze grande mortalità e cominciò del mese d'aprile, come che prima s'era veduti segnali pestilenziosi assai; però che quelli che morivano, tutti aveano aposteme velenose e pestilenziose, e grande paura n'aveano i cittadini. Poi seguitò di maggiore malizia, però che ne moriano per di cento, tutti d'aposteme; e poi di giugno seguitò maggiore però che erano per di nella città dugento corpi e' più; e poi di luglio molto maggiore, e durò insino a settembre troppo grande nella città; e ancora nel contado di Firenze fu maggiore che nella città, però che in molti popoli morirono la metà delle persone che v'erano e in alquanti molti più che la metà; e molti cittadini ch'erano fuggiti in contado morirono; e fu questo grande numero; e molte castella rimasono mezzo vòte e molte famiglie disfece. E come fu fatta la festa di santo Giovanni, grande numero di buoni cittadini si fuggirono fuori della città e andaronne colle loro famiglie nel contado di Firenze in più ville e castella; e ancora n'andarono assai a Bologna, e molti ve ne moriro nondimeno; e chi andò ad Arezzo e anche assai ve ne morí; e cosí dove n'andarono ne morí in ogni luogo che fu in tutte le terre di Toscana. Era ancora la detta mortalità nel detto tempo grandissima a Roma, che fu tal di che volle settecento o ottocento corpi morti; ma la maggior parte romei ; e ancora fu la detta mortalità in molte terre d'Italia in questo tempo, dove grande e dove minore, però che allora n'era dove a Pisa, a Lucca, a Perugia e a Napoli e in tutto il paese; e ancora era in Lombardia dove grande e dove grandissima in molte città la detta mortalità. Li Fiorentini, veggendo la città vòta di buoni e ricchi cittadini, diliberarono di soldare insino in secento provigianati a guardia de la città e infino in settecento e cinquanta lance di soldati tra per di fuori e per dentro, e cosí feciono ; e aveano allora al soldo mille trecento soldati di fanti. E cosi perché li cittadini s'erano partiti, fu ordinata la città e 'l contado e distretto loro. | Chapter IV - On the great mortality in Florence and elsewhere this year. This year there (1400)was a great mortality in Florence, which began in the month of April, although numerous plague-like signs were already visible beforehand. For the deceased all had poisonous and pestilential boils, and the citizens were greatly afraid of them. Then a greater malice followed, for a hundred people died every day, all from boils. And then in June it increased so that there were two hundred or more corpses a day in the city. And then in July it was even worse and continued on a very large scale in the city until September. It was also worse in the countryside around Florence than in the city, because in many villages half the population died and in some even more than half; many citizens who had fled to the countryside also died. It was a large number, and many places were left half empty, and many families were destroyed. After the feast of St John had been celebrated, many good citizens fled the city and went with their families to various villages and castles on the countryside surrounding Florence. Many also went to Bologna, and many died there anyway; some went to Arezzo, and many died there too. Wherever they went, people died everywhere in all areas of Tuscany. At that time, mortality was also very high in Rome, and there were days when there were seven hundred or eight hundred deaths, but most of them were Romans. Mortality was also high in many other Italian cities at this time, sometimes more, sometimes less, for example in Pisa, Lucca, Perugia and Naples, as well as throughout the country. In Lombardy, too, mortality was high to very high in many cities. The Florentines, seeing that the city was emptied of good and rich citizens, decided to pay up to six hundred guards for the defence of the city and up to seven hundred and fifty lances of soldiers both inside and outside, and so they did.They had a thousand and three hundred foot soldiers in their pay at the time. So the city and its environs and district were organised because the citizens had left. | Anonymus: Cronica volgare 1915, p. 250. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5; Translation by DeepL; |
| 1464-12-00-Naples | December 1464 JL | Plague in Naples | per diversa regni loca et maxime Terre laboris sicut Neapolis, Gayeta, Suexe, Venafri, Sore, Albeti, et per multa alia circumstantia castra et loca fuit magna pestis et pluvie et nives per totum autem mensem decembris [1464], et opus olivarum fuit fertile sed tardum ad maturandum | Notabilia temporum di Angelo de Tummulillis da Sant'Elia, p. 123 | Translation needed |
