For Monks, a total of 9 epidemic events are known so far. It is a group. See also Groups.
Table
Table
| Page | DateStart date of the disease. | SummarySummary of the disease event | OriginalOriginal text | TranslationEnglish translation of the text | ReferenceReference(s) to literature | Reference translationReference(s) to the translation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1237-00-00-Saint-Denis | 1237 JL | A mortality breaks out in the monastery of Saint-Denis, killing 44 monks. | Hoc anno fuit maxima mortalitas fratrum monachorum in ecclesia Beati Dionysii fere usque ad XLIV. | In this year (1237) was a great mortality among brothers of the church of Saint-Denis affecting 44 monks. | Ex brevi chronico ecclesiae S. Dionysii 1876, p. 143. | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1348-00-00-Méounes-lès-Montrieux | 1348 JL | A report from Francesco Petrarca to the bishop of Padua about the actions of a Carthusian monk in Méounes-lès-Montrieux during the plague of 1348, who was against fleeing the plague and helped his friars dying of the plague without fear. He rebuilt his monastery after the severe plague wave. | Cum pestis hec que omnes terras ac maria pervagata est, ad vos ex ordine venisset et castra in quibus Cristo militas, invasisset, priorque tuus, vir alioquin, ut ipse novi, sancti ardentisque propositi, tamen inopino malo territus, hortaretur fugam, te illi cristiane simul ac philosophice respondisse acrius iret quo se dignum crederet, te in custodia tibi a Cristo credita permansurum; cumque iterum et iterum instaret et inter terrores alios sepulcrum quoque tibi defuturum minaretur, dixisse te illam tibi ex omnibus ultimam curam esse, neque enim tua interesse sed superstitum quali iaceas sepultura; illum postremo cessisse ad penates patrios nec ita multo post morte illuc eum insequente subtractum, te vero incolumem, Eo apud quem est fons vite protegente, mansisse; et cum diebus paucis mors quattuor et triginta qui illic erant, abstulisset, solum in (p. 2212) monasterio resedisse. Illud addebant te nullo morbi contagio deterritum, astitisse fratribus tuis expirantibus et suprema verba atque oscula excipientem et gelida corpora lavantem, sepe uno die tres plures ve tuis manibus indefesso pietatis obsequio sepelisse et exportasse tuis humeris, cum iam qui foderet aut qui iusta morientibus exhiberet, nemo esset; solum te ad ultimum cum cane unico remansisse, totis noctibus vigilantem, modica lucis parte necessarie quieti data, cum interim predones nocturni, quorum feracissima est regio, sepe per intempeste noctis silentia locum invadentes a te, imo a Cristo qui tecum erat, nunc pacificis nunc acrioribus verbis exclusi, nichil damni sacris edibus inferre potuerint; cum vero transisset estas illa terribilis, misisse et ad proxima servorum Cristi loca ut aliquis tibi loci tui custos mitteretur; quo facto ivisse Cartusiam et ab illo, religionis nunc cultore unico in terris, priore loci inter tres et octuaginta priores alienigenas te non priorem, singulari et insolito honore susceptum, obtinuisse ut tibi prior ac monachi darentur quos e diversis conventibus elegisses, quibus desertum morte tuorum monasterium reformares, teque hoc velut eximio triumpho letissimum rediisse. | When the plague that swept over all lands and seas inevitably reached you and invaded your camp, where you were fighting for Christ, your prior, otherwise of pious and ardent zeal, as I know myself, in horror at the unexpected destruction, advised to flee. Yet, you responded to him with Christian and philosophical wisdom, stating that his counsel would be welcome if there were any place impervious to death. Thereafter, he stressed the necessity of departure with no less urgency, to which you responded more firmly, telling him to go wherever he pleased, while you intended to remain steadfast at the post entrusted to you by Christi. And in response to his repeated entreaties, with which he threatened you with many horrors, including the lack of a proper burial, you replied that in the midst of all worries, your concern for how you would lie in the end was the least, for it was not your duty to worry about it; rather, it should concern the survivors. Following this, he finally left for the ancestral household gods, and not long afterward, Death, pursuing him, overtook him there, while you were spared, thanks to your protector, in whom 'the source of life' resides. Certainly, in a matter of a few days, Death claimed thirty-four occupants in that place, and you were the only one left in the monastery. They also added the following: You fearlessly provided aid to your dying brethren, accepting their last words and embraces, washing their lifeless bodies, often carrying three or more of them on your shoulders in unwavering devotion on a single day, and burying them with your own hands, as there was no one else to dig graves or attend to the dying. In the end, when you were alone with only a single dog, you spent whole nights awake and allowed yourself only a modest portion of bright daylight for necessary rest. By that time, nocturnal thieves, who found that area highly fertile, often assaulted that place in the still of the deepest night, but through you, or rather with the assistance of Christ, they were repelled, either by peaceful or sharp words, so that they could not harm the consecrated buildings. However, when that dreadful summer came to an end, you sent a request to the servants of Christ in nearby settlements, asking them to send a guardian for your monastery. Subsequently, you moved to the Chartreuse, where you were received by the prior, who was now the sole representative of the order in that region, and by eighty-three foreign priors, with exceptional and unique honors, even though you were a non-prior. You managed to secure a prior and monks from different convents to revitalize the empty monastery following the death of your brothers. | Template:Francesco Petrarca, Le Familiari XVI-XX, pp. 2212–2214 | None |
| 1349-00-00-Sweden | 1349 JL | An undated prophecy by Birgitta of Sweden about the monks of the Swedish monastery of Alvastra. According to Tryggve Lundén it is to be set between 1344-49. The revelation if followed by the note that a disease came and took away 33 brothers | Cum domina staret orando rapta in spiritu, vidit domum quandam et super domum celum valde serenum. Cumque diligenter inspiciendo miraretur, vidit de domo columbas ascendentes et penetrare celum. Quas Ethiopes conabantur impedire sed non valebant. Subtus vero domum videbatur chaos, in quo sunt tres ordines fratrum. “Primi sunt simplices quasi columbe. Ideo faciliter ascendunt, quorum tibi nomina indicabo. Secundi sunt, qui veniunt ad purgatorium. Tercii sunt, qui iam alium pedem habent in mari et alium in tabulatu nauis. Quorum iudicium nunc appropinquat. Et vt scias et probes, vnus post alium cicius transibit, secundum quod nomina eorum exprimo tibi.” Quod similiter contigit. Venit enim mortalitas et tulit, sicut predictum est, XXXIII fratres. | As the lady [Birgitta] stood in prayer, rapt in spirit, she saw a certain house and above the house a very clear sky. And when she looked carefully and wondered, she saw doves ascending from the house and entering the sky which the Ethiopians (= devils, cf. ON blámenn) tried to prevent but were not able. Under the house she saw an abyss, and there are three kinds of brothers. The first are simple as a dove. Therefore they ascend easily. The second are those who come to purgatory. The third are those who have one foot in the sea and the other on the ship's deck. Their judgement is now approaching, and in order that you may know and be aware of it, one after another will quickly perish as I reveal their names to you." So it came to pass, for a sickness came and took away thirty-three brethren, as was foretold. | Tryggve Lundén:Den Heliga Birgitta, Himmelska uppenbarelser. Vol. 3., ch. 113. Malmö 1958, p. 182 | Translation by Carina Damm |
| 1349-05-31-Austria | 31 May 1349 JL | A plague lasting from Penthecost (May 31st) until the feast of St Michael (September 29th) killed about two thirds of the population of Austria. | A.D. 1349 [...] Pestis vero contagiosa predicta successive pervenit usque ad Wyennam, necnon in omnes terminos, ita ut homines absque estimacione exspirarent, et tercia pars hominum vix remaneret. Ideo propter fetorem et horrorem cadaverum non sinebantur sepeliri in cimiteriis ecclesiarum, sed mox cum fuissent extincta deferebantur ad communem locum in agrum Dei extra civitatem, ubi quinque fovee in brevi profunde et late usque ad summum sunt corporibus mortuorum replete; et duravit hec pestilencia a festo penthecostes usque Michaelis. Non solum Wyennam sed et alia loca circumiacencia crudeliter invasit; monachis et monialibus minime pepercit, cum in Sancta Cruce 53 religiosi de hoc seculo eodem tempore migraverunt. | In the year of the Lord 1349 [...] The earlier mentioned really contagious plague arrived not only in Vienna but in all regions. In this way people [in numbers] beyond estimation died and hardly one third of the people remained. Because if the stench and the horror of the dead bodies they could not be allowed to be buried in the cemeteries of the churches, but soon the deseases were brought to public places them cemetaries outside of the cities, where five deep and wide ditches where filled up to their maximum with the bodies of the dead. And this plague lasted from the feast of Penthecost until [the feast of] St Michael. Not only Vienna but also other surrounding places were cruelly invaded. Monks and nuns were by no means spared, since in Sancta Cruce 53 members of their community passed away. | Continuatio Novimontensis, in: MGH SS 9, ed. Pertz (1851), pp. 669-677, 676 | Translation by Christian Oertel |
| 1350-05-16-Magdeburg | 16 May 1350 JL | The Black Death strikes Magdeburg and neighbouring territories, a great mortality arisies for almost four months; numbers are given for the Franciscan order. There is a plague pit in Rottersdorf, outside the city. | In dissem sulven jare [1350] erhof sik ein grot sterven in disser stad to hant pingsten und stunt wente na sunte Michels dage und starf untellich volk, dat men se up den kerkhof nicht al graven konde: men moste alle dage utvoren mit twen karen und mit einem wagen und grof grote kulen to Rotterstorp, dar warp men se in. […] Mi jammert to schrivende vand drosnisse und schaden, den Magdeborch nam van den sterven. De wisesten and bedervesten dusser stadt alsmeistich vorgingen, wente ed storven leien und papen, olden und junge, rike und arme. Dat stervent was hir nicht alleine to Magdeborch, ed was ok over al disse land. De barvoten spreken na der tid dat ut orem orden weren storven allein hundert dusent verundtwintech dusten veirhundert und drittech brodere. Hi bi mach men merken wat leien storvent sint in dem jare, nu in einen orden so vele brodere storven. Hir in dem barvoten clostere bleven nicht mehr wenn dre broder levendich. Ik was ok in einen hus sulftegede, dar blef ik sulfandere levendich und achte storven. Ik horde ok sedder seggen dat den Augustineren weren des jares worden twelf schock vruwencleidere to selegered und manscleidere. | In that same year [1350] there was a great mortality in this town from Pentecost to St Michael's Day and countless people died so that they could no longer be buried in the churchyards. Every day they had to go out with carts and a wagon and make large ditches in Rottersdorf; the dead were thrown into them. [...] It is difficult for me to write about all the sadness and the damage that Magdeburg suffered from this mortality. The brightest and the most needy of this city perished to a large extent. Laymen and priests, old and young, rich and poor died. The dying was not unique to Magdeburg, it was everywhere in the country. The Franciscans said afterwards that 124,430 friars from their order alone died. This may give you an idea of how many lay people died that year if so many friars died in one order alone. Here in the Franciscan monastery, no more than three friars remain alive. I myself was present in a house where I and one other remained alive and eight died. I also heard myself say that the Augustinian monks received 1200 pieces of clothing from men and women that year as a testamentary donation for the salvation of souls. | Magdeburger Schöppenchronik 1869, pp. 218-219. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1374-03-00-Firenze | March 1374 JL | A new plague wave hits Florence and the city loses relatively few people, but the societal impact is severe. | Nel detto anno 1374 era fama d'una mortalità dell'usata pestilenza dello infiato dell'anguinaia, o sotto il ditello, e vivisene tre o quattro dì il più alto. Nel generale era stata in tutte le parti circunstanti d'intorno grandissima, bene che ove maggiore e minore; ma nel generale parve essere morto il terzo della gente, o delle bocche, nelle circunstanze. E molte favole e novelle se ne diceano, come di simili cose s'usa di parlare. Cominciò in Firenze di marzo, e a poco a poco seguito la cosa per modo che a settembre o ottobre quasi poco o nulla v'era della detta pestilenzia; e non fu niuna Terra in Toscana, ove del tanto meno gente morissero che in Firenze: perrochè morirono circa settemila bocche, che ve ne era a quel tempo sessanta milia, o più. Ma diessene ancora la utilità al fuggirla, ove era stata, perocchè la maggior parte' della gente con gli figluoli e mogli uscirono di Firenze, e andarono ad abitare in Terre. E niuno era, che avesse di che fare le spese, che non se ne andasse. Fecionsi molti ordini di non sonare campane, nè porro paghe, nè portare più che quattro torchi, e non vestire più ch'è figluoli di nero. Ancora feciono riformagione sopra [p. 290] a chi fuggìa, che se fosse tratto a ufici, fosse stracciato, se infra dieci dì non venisse all' uficio e coresse in pena di cinquecento lire, e poi avesse divieto agli altri ufici; e intorno a ciò assai cose feciero da non farne menzione; epperò taccio. | In the mentioned year 1374 there were rumors of the usual plague with the swollen groin, or below the armpit, and one lived three or four days at the longest. In general this happened in all areas around [Florence] with great intensity, although some place were hitten harder than others. But most of the time, one third of the people died in the surrounding areas. And one tells a lot of stories about it, as it always happens with these events. In Florence, it started in March, and slowly but surely the disease continued until September or October, when it had burned itself out. And there was no place in Tuscany, where alltogether more people died than in Florence: About 7000 persons died here from an overall population of more than 60.000. And people considered it a good idea to flee the place where the epidemic happened, so a large part of the population left the city with their childern and spouses and went to live in the countryside. And from those that did not leave, no one did more than just buying food. There were issued many regulations, like not ringing the bells, not doing payments, not carrying more than four torches, and not put on more clothing than the sons of black (Monks?). And they made law about people that fled the city: Whoever had left his office unattended was removed from it, if he did not return within ten days and payed a fine of 500 lire. He would furthermore be banned from other offices. Apart from that much more happened which should not be mentioned, and that's why I remain silent. | Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1903, p. 289-290. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
| 1397-08-12-Montpellier | 12 August 1397 JL | A procession is organized in Montpellier against the mortality that affects the region. | Item, dimergue a XII d’avost, fon facha una sollempna procession per mossen de Magalona ont se portet lo precios cors de Jesu Crist per far devota pregueyra sur la pestilencia et mittigar et placar Nostresenhr, ont ac gran multitut de pobol, cascun portan, senhors & donas et enfans, entorta o candela en la man ; & ac y hun trasque sollempne sermon loqual fes maistre Raymon Cabassa, maystre en theologia, per trayre a devocion lo pobol, a coffession, contrection am cor contrit et humiliat. Et foron ordenadas IX processions, la huna per los morgues de Sant Benesech, l’autra per Sant Dyonisi, l’autra per la gleya del Castel, l’autre per la gleya de Nostra Dona de Taulas, l’autra per Sant Fermin & las IIII per los quatre ordes mendigans, otra la general, en las quals se portet lo precios cors de Jesu Crist am los[i] cofrayres de las dichas cofrayries & am las ceras d’aquelas, car la mortalitat es et era tant gran que apenas atrobava hom servidor e tot lo poble stava mot ebaÿt e perterit. | On Sunday August 12, the Archbishop of Maguelone organized a solemn procession in which the precious body of Jesus Christ was carried out to pray against the epidemic and to soften and appease Our Lord. There was a great multitude of people there, lords, ladies and children, carrying torches or candles in their hands. There was a very solemn sermon delivered by Master Raimond Cabassa, master in theology, to bring the people to devotion, confession and contrition and repentance. In addition to the general procession, there were nine supplementary trains of procession, one with the monks of Saint-Benoît, another with those Saint-Denis, another with the church of the castle, another with the church of Notre-Dame-des-Tables, another with Saint-Firmin and the last four with the four mendicant Orders. In these processions, the precious body of Jesus Christ was carried with the confreres of the brotherhoods concerned, with their candles. The epidemic is and was so serious that it was barely possible to find a servant, and all the people were amazed and terrified. | Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, http://thalamus.huma-num.fr/annales-occitanes/annee-1397.html (20 April 2020). | Translation by Thomas Labbé |
| 1403-03-00-Strasbourg | March 1403 JL | In Strasbourg was a sickness affecting the hips and the ulcers, which raged in many monasteries. | Aber ein siechtage von dem flosse. Do men zalte 1403, in der vasten, do was aber ein siechtage von dem hueften und von dem flosse also gros also der dovor geschriben stet, das in menigem closter die müniche also floessig worent, das sü one singen und one messe worent, und uf meniger grossen stift kume zwene oder drige singen möhtent und die andern floessig worent uns siech. und [p. 773] bleip wenig ieman über in der stat und in dem lande, in keme dirre siechtage ane. und zu ostern was er aller groessest. |
But there was a sickness of the ulcers. In the year 1403, during Lent, there was a sickness affecting the hips and the ulcers, as severe as the one previously described. In many monasteries, the monks were so ill of ulcers that there was no singing and mess, and in some smaller chapters, only two or three were able to sing while the others were sick. In the town and the country, very few people were left untouched by this sickness. At Easter, it was at its worst. |
Jacobus Twinger von Königshofen: Chronik 1870-71, pp. 772-773. | Translation by ChatGPT-3.5 |
| 1482-08-29-Frankfurt | 1482 JL | Plague in Frankfurt and a procession. | Anno 1482 war ein proceßion contra pestem uf decollationis Johannis, darin waren 101 schuler von unser lieben Frawen schul, von der Leonhardsschul 81, von der Pharschulen 126, Barfüsermünch 22, Prediger 35, Carmeliter 30, alle weltliche pfaffen und der ganz rat. | In the year 1482, there was a procession on 29 August, there were 101 pupils of the school of Our Lady, 81 from the St. Leonhard's school, 126 from the parish's school, 22 Franciscan monks, 25 Dominicans, 30 Carmelites and all the secular clergy and the whole city council. | Johann Heise 1884, p. 225. | Translation by Martin Bauch |
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